Documents: Resolutions of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party Conference

[p042] In proposing a ‘centre’ resolution at the LSSP Conference based on the class collaborationist role of the CP and the MEP in the United Left Front the Unified Secretariat continued, in fact, to prepare for the defeat. Even now they do not expel the centre group of de Silva and Leslie Goonewardene, even though they remain in the same party as the traitor Perera. 87 The LSSP Revolutionary Section has taken the first necessary step—a complete break from the opportunists. It must find a road to constructing the revolutionary party with roots in the struggles of the urban workers and the plantation workers, pre- paring not for parliamentary honours but for the revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist government. The entry of the LSSP members into the Bandara- naike coalition marks the end of a whole epoch of the evolution of the Fourth International. It is in direct service to imperialism, in the preparation of a defeat for the working class that revisionism in the world Trotskyist movement has found its expression. The task of reconstructing the Fourth International must be undertaken from the firm basis of con- structing revolutionary proletarian parties in every country in struggle against the bureaucratic and opportunist servants of imperialism and against their defenders the revisionists who usurp the name of Trotskyism and the Fourth International. The International Committee of the Fourth International, July 5, 1964 2) «(CUWihere *‘Is Britain Going? By Leon Trotsky Where Most timely reading for British socialists, this Deitain Pr book places the development of British politics in correct historic perspective. Here Trotsky, writing on the eve of the General Strike of 1926, employs his great revolutionary experience to analyse and explain the ideological and moral concepts of the ruling classes and their servants in the Labour bureaucracy. Price: 7/6 (plus 6d. postage) Available from: NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD. 186A CLAPHAM HIGH STREET, LONDON SW4 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964

[p043] 88 Documents DOCUMENTS We reproduce below the resolutions submitted by the three tendenciés répréséntéd at the Congress of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of Ceylon held in Colombo from June 6 and 7. Also printed jis a confidential communication from the Pabloite International Executive Committee in Paris to members of the LSSP. RESOLUTION OF THE RENEGADE MAJORITY POLITICAL RESOLUTION The outstanding political event in 1963 was the formation of the ULF. Two factors helped to bring this about. On the one hand the steadily growing strength of the UNP became manifest by the victories of that party in very many local government elections throughout the country. There was also a noticeable tendency of the teenagers and others who had formally supported the SLFP to move towards the right. On the o:her hand, faced with the growing strength of the UNP, there was a manifest desire on the part of the progressives to get together to struggle against the growing menace of the consolidating reactionary right. This desire of the progressives was clearly brought out, when the three left parties began a campaign over the petrol issue. The swing to the right in the country was a result of the failure of the government to solve the pressing problems that beset all sections of the people of the country. The deterioration of the general economic situation which led to the shortage of goods, and the extraordinary rise in prices were cleverly utilised by the UNP to its advantage. The attack on the SLFP government was linked with an attack on the left in general and the LSSP in particular which was held responsible for bringing the present government into being. In a way that most left parties did not anticipate all manner of small capitalists and traders became the most conscious propagandist for the UNP as the only way out of the growing economic instability and mounting inflation. The ULF was formed after prolonged negotiations and in the midst of misgivings and opposition from some sections of the party. The tremendous enthusiasm with which the ULF was received, helped to dissipate doubts about the value and the usefulness of the ULF as an organisation to fight the menace of reaction. The ULF began to be projected as the only alternative force capable of forming a government opposed to the UNP. Members of the SLFP both inside and outside parliament began to consider the ULF as the coming force to stem the tide of reaction. Unfortunately the ULF could not realise to the full the benefits of this mobilisation of all the progressives in the country. Within our own ranks, attacks on the ULF in public had a retarding effect. The MEP and Mr. Philip Gunawardene, did not lend their full support to push the ULF forward organisationally. Although it is true the ULF continued to make a general impression in the country and also succeeded in enthusing the SLFP rank and filers, it was not so effective as it might have been. It did succeed in arresting the flow to the right that was visible prior to the formation of the ULF. The major political crisis came to the surface on the 8th of March with the prorogation of parliament. The SLFP government was numerically too weak to face parliament. The economic and financial crisis had reached a stage where the minis‘ers had not the capacity to tackle them. Their inefficiency and incompetence stood exposed. Manifestly the problems facing the country were beyond their capacity to solve. The end of the middle path had been reached. In this situation both to the SLFP rank and file and the SLFP government, the ULF and its clear- cut programme stood out as a powerful factor which could not be ignored, The Prime Minister who obtained a breathing space at this juncture had three alternative courses of action available to her (a) a coalition with the right; (b) the dissolution of parliament, leading to possible dictatorial intentions; (c) a coalition with the left. Afiter much consideration she rejected the coalition with the right as well as the dissolution of parliament. She decided un- mistakeably to move leftwards with the progressive forces and find a solution to the problems bese‘ting the couniry, along left policies. This was made abundantly clear in the speech she made at N’Eliya towards the end of March 1964. In keeping with this decision of hers, she commenced negotiations with ULF, which authorised Comrade N. M. Perera to negotiate with her on an informal basis. The discussions showed that there is a reasonable measure of agreement on a short-term programme of implementation for the remaining period of this parliament. In accordance with the mandate given to her by her own executive FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964

[p044] 88 DOCUMENTS We reproduce below the resolutions submitted by the three tendenciés répréséntéd at the Congress of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party of Ceylon held in Colombo from June 6 and 7. Also printed \is a confidential communication from the Pabloite International Executive Committee in Paris to members of the LSSP. RESOLUTION OF THE RENEGADE MAJORITY POLITICAL RESOLUTION The outstanding political event in 1963 was the formation of the ULF. Two factors helped to bring this about. On the one hand the steadily growing strength of the UNP became manifest by the victories of that party in very many local government elections throughout the country. There was also a noticeable tendency of the teenagers and others who had formally supported the SLFP to move towards the right. On the o:her hand, faced with the growing strength of the UNP, there was a manifest desire on the part of the progressives to get together to struggle against the growing menace of the consolidating reactionary right. This desire of the progressives was clearly brought out, when the three left parties began a campaign over the petrol issue. The swing to the right in the country was a result of the failure of the government to solve the pressing problems that beset all sections of the people of the country. The deterioration of the general economic situation which led to the shortage of goods, and the extraordinary rise in prices were cleverly utilised by the UNP to its advantage. The attack on the SLFP government was linked with an attack on the left in general and the LSSP in particular which was held responsible for bringing the present government into being, In a way that most left parties did not anticipate all manner of small capitalists and traders became the most conscious propagandist for the UNP as the only way out of the growing economic instability and mounting inflation. The ULF was formed after prolonged negotiations and in the midst of misgivings and opposition from some sections of the party. The tremendous enthusiasm with which the ULF was received, helped to dissipate doubts about the value and the usefulness of the ULF as an organisation to fight the menace of reaction. The ULF began to be projected as the only alternative force capable of forming a government opposed to the UNP. Members of the SLFP both inside and outside parliament began to consider the ULF as the coming force to stem the tide of reaction. Unfortunately the ULF could not realise to the full the benefits of this mobilisation of all the progressives in the country. Within our own ranks, attacks on the ULF in public had a retarding effect. The MEP and Mr. Philip Gunawardene, did not lend their full support to push the ULF forward organisationally. Although it is true the ULF continued to make a general impression in the country and also succeeded in enthusing the SLFP rank and filers, it was not so effective as it might have been. It did succeed in arresting the flow to the right that was visible prior to the formation of the ULF. The major political crisis came to the surface on the 8th of March with the prorogation of parliament. The SLFP government was numerically too weak to face parliament. The economic and financial crisis had reached a stage where the minis‘ers had not the capacity to tackle them. Their inefficiency and incompetence stood exposed. Manifestly the problems facing the country were beyond their capacity to solve. The end of the middle path had been reached. In this situation both to the SLFP rank and file and the SLFP government, the ULF and its clear- cut programme stood out as a powerful factor which could not be ignored, The Prime Minister who obtained a breathing space at this juncture had three alternative courses of action available to her (a) a coalition with the right; (b) the dissolution of parliament, leading to possible dictatorial intentions; (c) a coalition with the left. After much consideration she rejected the coalition with the right as well as the dissolution of parliament. She decided un- mistakeably to move leftwards with the progressive forces and find a solution to the problems besetting the couniry, along left policies. This was made abundantly clear in the gpeech she made at N’Eliya towards the end of March 1964. In keeping with this decision of hers, she commenced negotiations with ULF, which authorised Comrade N. M. Perera to negotiate with her on an informal basis. The discussions showed that there is a reasonable measure of agreement on a short-term programme of implementation for the remaining period of this parliament. In accordance with the mandate given to her by her own executive FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964

[p045] DOCUMENIS committee, she has indicated that she is prepared to form a coalition government with ULF. Ministerial portfolios would be granted only to the LSSP in the first instance. Does coalition with the SLFP in this setting mean class collaboration? Nobody would dispute that the UNP is a party of the capitalist class in Ceylon. The SLFP is a party based on the radical petty-bourgeoisie and the lower middle class. Admittedly the leadership has feudal con- nections, but from the policy that was followed since July 1960 it is clear that the main pressure on the government has been from the lower middle class and to some extent even from the working class. In fact the SLFP has shed some of the more reactionary elements that existed from 1956 to 1960, and being a centre party, it has vacillated, sometimes moving to the right, and sometimes moving to the left. But the overall drive has been a steady movement leftwards. If this characterisation is not correct, it will be difficult to explain the various measures for nationalization, the party has embarked upon since 1956. It has taken over the bus transport, the port, private schools, insurance. It has taken steps to abolish private practice in medical service. It has established the People’s Bank and has taken over the Ceylon Bank. All these and above all petrol, which is a direct blow at both imperialist power and capitalist power it has undertaken. The cumulative effect of these measures must result in a serious inroad into the capitalist structure of the economy. The SLFP _ government and the MEP government before it, has carried forward a national struggle in this country, by removing the imperialist bases in this country. Voting rights have been conceded to those above 18 years. The reorganisation of the headman system has taken place. A substantial fillip has been given to national cultural activities. The power of the entrenched Catholic Church has been weakened and Buddhist tradition and culture have been given their due place. The ordinary man has been given a place in the political and social life of the country, which centuries of imperialist domination had deprived them. Workers have felt the benefits of a number of amelio- rative measures including May Day asa paid public holiday. When the cumulative effect of these changes are con- sidered. it will be quite apparent that the SLFP is not a capitalist party. The fact that it is functioning within the capitalist framework, does not necessarily make it a party of the capitalist class. Its fundamental character as a centrist party, drawing its main support from the peasantry and the lower middle class elements of the country, remains unchanged. A coalition government between the working class party like the LSSP and the SLFP can still further change its class character. Such an association will increase the progressive content of the SLFP and make it more definitely a leftward moving government. This would become more emphasised in the programmatic association that is envisaged and give a further bias along socialist lines. The progressive character of the internal policy of the government had been reflected in the external policy which it has followed. Beginning from 1956 the establishment of diplomatic connections with socialist countries notwith- standing the opposition of the imperialist bloc have been . FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964 carried forward. In defiance of the threat of no assistance from Western Germany, it has given consulate status to Eastern Germany. A number of economic and cultural agreements have been signed with countries of the socialist bloc. Following a strictly non-aligned policy like Yugo- slavia it has not hesitated to reject assistance from the USA on conditions which are humiliating and derogatory to the independence of this country. IMMEDIATE PERSPECTIVES Such a coalition government with the SLFP as envisaged above would make it possible to activise both the working class and the masses generally. Within the 12 months available to us it would be possible only to concentrate on certain lines of action. The party should concentrate on making an appreciable impression on the rising cost of living. An effective drive should be made to smash blackmarketeering and hoarding of essential goods and thereby reduce the prices of essential commodities. It is . essential that all-out youth leagues and trade union organisations should be in the forefront in helping to build up peoples’ committees in various parts of the island. These committees will be given legal status and have the assistance of the police in carrying out these tasks, The party should equally concentrate on minimising corruption and sabotage activities in the various depart- ments in the public sector. Herein our trede union organisations will have an important role to play. They should take the leadership in the workers and vigilance committees that is to be set up in all workplaces and government departments. A serious effort will have to be made in building up peasants organisations for the effective implementation of the Paddy Lands Act. In this respect also our youth leagues will have an important role to play. By concentrating on these three lines of action we would be able to bring into active participation in the process of government both the working class as well as the general masses. In a real sense these two mass forces, the workers and the peasants, will have positive and creative functions to perform. They will be in an organised manner ranged against their class enemy with the necessary authority and power of the state machinery to back them in their struggle. A new purpose and a new enthusiasm would be generated that would carry the whole movement forward. Sterile criticism will give place to positive action, and the whole left movement will find a new purpose. The end of this period of 12 months would see the firm foundation laid for moving forward along socialist lines to a new society. Accordingly this party conference request the new Central Committee of the party to negotiate with the SLFP government with a view to the formation of a coali- tion government between the ULF and the SLFP. If such negotiations fail the Central Committee is authorised to enter into an agreement for the formation of a coalition government between the LSSP and the SLFP.

[p046] 90 Such a coalition government should contain the following in respect of the LSSP. 1. A minimum programme which will at least contain the 10 items in the attached list. 2. Three ministers for the LSSP. 3. These three ministers should be: (a) Minister of Finance and Planning. (b) Minister of Internal and External Trade. (c) Minister of Nationalized Services. Measures for Implementation 1. All companies registered in Ceylon and all resident individuals should be required by law to maintain their accounts in the Bank of Ceylon and/or the People’s Bank only. (N.B. the transfer of various categories of Accounts could be staggered.) 2. Legislation should be introduced to control the activities of Agency houses. 3. The export of capital, dividends and profits from Ceylon should be restricted still further. 4. New administrative regulations should be introduced to make it possible to retire compulsorily government officers who hamper work or are inefficient or are delibe- rately unco-operative in pushing forward government work. 5. (a) Workers’ committees, elected by secret ballot, should be set up in every public corporation of utility. Such committees should be associated with the management at all levels. They should have legal powers to check waste, inefficiency and corruption and the right to make proposals to improve the work of these institutions. (b) Vigilance committees should be set up by admini- strative regulations in all government departments and in the departments of semi-government institutions such as the local government service. Such committees should have powers to check inefficiency and sabotage and to make proposals to improve the work of the department concerned vis-a-vis the public. (c) In every vigilance committee or local body Peoples’ Committees should be established with legal powers to inspect the distributive trade, thereby helping to fight hoarding, the black market, and corruption. 6. (a) The state Trading Corporation should take over DOCUMENTS all essential imports and gradually extend its activities to exports as well. (b) The Co-operative Wholesale Establishment should have the monopoly of wholesale distribution. It should have a centre in every district through which textiles, building materials, motor spares and accessories, medicines and foodstuffs specifically will be distributed. (c) Retail distribution should be through the co-operatives and private retailers. Where necessary, special state retail shops should be opened. (d) The maximum wholesale and retail price should be fixed by law for every essential item. 7. The machinery for economic planning should be made more effective and proper ways and means devised to associate the trade unions and the people in general with the preparation and carrying out of economic plans. 8. Special courts should be established to deal expediti- ously with cases of bribery, corruption, black marketeering, hoarding and other such anti-social offences. Imprisonment should be made obligatory for all found guilty of bribery or corruption and the legal punishment of profiteering and hoarding should be enhanced. 9. The monopoly of the daily press by the private capitalist concerns should be ended. 10. (a) The GPS should be cleaned up to ensure that the cultivator gets full value for his product. (b) The services of the People’s Bank should be extended to the rural areas either directly or by making certain co-operative societies their sub-agents. A scheme to relieve rural indebtedness should be prepared. (c) The Paddy Lands Act should apply to all paddy lands including those in the colonisation scheme. (d) Landlords should be removed from the cultivation committees. These committees should be given enhanced powers, including the power to put ande goviya back in possession of lands while litigation regarding tenancy rights is pending. N. M. Perera, D. G. William, H. Siddhartha Thero (Rev.), D. W. Wijesooriya, J. Wanigatunga, Cyril Perera, Gilbert Pieris, Hector Fernando, B. A. U. Lewis, Alwis, G. P. Perera, Vivien Goonewardene, Jack Kotalawela, Nimal Horana, D. W. J. Perera, Chandra Gunasekera, Chalmondiey Goonewardene, Wilfred Senanayake, Rajapaksa, Batu- wandara Gunawardene, Anil Moonasinghe. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964

[p047] DOCUMENTS RESOLUTION OF THE ‘CENTRE’ GROUP (Resolution submitted to the Special Conference by 8 mem- bers of the Central Committee named below) The present political, econo- mic and financial crisis cannot be solved along progressive lines within the framework of capitalism. The processes necessary for a progressive solution of the crisis can be imaugurated by a _ coalition government between the ULF and the SLFP on the following conditions: 1. There should be agreement on a series of measures to be implemented within one year. These must include measures which are capable of enthusing the masses and of securing their active participation. 2. In the present political situation, to ensure the effective carrying through of these measures, the following are required. (a) the coalition agreement should be between the SLFP and the ULF and (b) there should be an atrangement with regard to Ministries ensuring the following Ministries for the LSSP, viz. Ministry of Finance and Planning Ministry of Nationalized Services _ Ministry of Internal and External Trade. This conference empowers the Central Committee to make arrangements for a _ coalition government with the SLFP on the lines indicated above. Colvin R de Silva Leslie Goonawardene Doric de Souza A. Siridasa Bernard Soysa N. S. E. Perera Kamini R. R. Dharmaratnam FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964 91 RESOLUTION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY MINORITY The LSSP and Crisis of the SLFP government (Resolution submitted to the Special Conference of the LSSP held on June 6 and 7, 1964, by the 14 members of the Central Committee named below.) The Sirimavo Bandara- naike government is in a desperate state. It is approaching the final year of its constitutional term of office without any real pros- pect of retaining its position without the political colla- boration of the Left and collaboration of the working class, in particular, with its regime. ~ Hence the proroga- tion of Parliament and the efforts of the Prime Minister and some of her ministers to secure the participation of the LSSP in the govern- ment. To agree to accept office in’ Mrs. Bandaranaike’s government, either separa- tely or in association with the other parties in the United Left Front would be to agree to join hands with the SLFP government in staving off the rising tide of working class and mass discontent against it, and to seek to provide working class collaboration with its policy of maintaining capi- talism in Ceylon within the capitalist constitutional framework. The entry of the LSSP leaders into the SLFP government will result in open class collaboration, disorientation of the masses, the division of the working class and the abandonment of the struggle-perspective, which will lead to the dis- ruption of the working class movement and the elimina- tion of the independent revolutionary axis of the Lefé. In the result, the forces of capitalist reaction, far from being weakened or thwarted, will be ultimately strengthened. Collaboration with the bourgeois SLFP government on the basis of coalition on a ‘minimum programme’ is thus a gross contravention of the Party’s Revolutionary Programme and the accept- ance of Portfolios by the LSSP would be treachery to the proletarian revolution. This Special Conference, therefore, categorically re- jects all proposals for coalition with the SLFP government, on any basis whatsoever, and calls upon the Party to rally to the defence of its Revolutionary Programme. The task of the Party today is to defeat the attempt to divide and subdue the working class and to seek to unify all sections of the working class and the toiling masses for the carrying forward of the class struggle against the capitalist class and _ the SLFP government. R, S. Baghavan Champa W. D. Dharmasena Meryl Fernando V. Karalasingham D. S. Mallawarachi S. A. Martinus Reginald Mendis T. E. Pushparajan Prins Rajasooriya Edmund Samarakkody Pelis Serasinghe Bala Tampoe Sydney Wanasinghe

[p048] 92 DOCUMENTS Pabloite attitude to LSSP Congress Below we reproduce a confidential letter sent by the Pabloite International Executive Committee in Paris, to members of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party on May 25, 1 964, which reiterates their proposal, echoed at the LSSP Conference by their representative Pierre Frank, which calls for a United Left Front government. conference was defeated by 579 votes to 75. ‘The International Executive Committee of the Fourth International took up at its plenum meeting the key prob- lems which you face at present and discussed them at some length. The discussion ended with unanimous endorsement of the letter sent to you by the United Secretariat April 23. It is clear that throughout Asia, the equilibrium reached at the time of the Geneva agreement of 1954 has been broken and that in every country in this part of the world the class struggle is again sharpening. If the mass movement does not move boldly now, reaction will inevit- ably set in and the present opportunity will turn into its opposite. In Ceylon, the SLFP goverm- ment, acting as the agency of the bourgeoisie, is seeking through its proposals to dis- integrate the United Left Front and to associate the LSSP with its bankrupt policies and further decline. The LSSP has reached a crucial moment in its history. Let the SLFP government appeal to you in vain! The only real alternative is audacious action by the LSSP. It should serve as the central driving force in mobil- izing the ULF, appealing to the masses to establish a United Left Front government on the basis of a genuinely socialist programme. This would prove highly attractive to elements that have been sucked into the SLFP because of its demagogy in the past, help reorient them The editors regret to state that it has not been possible to publish in this issue, the concluding instalment of ‘Trends in Soviet Literature’ This line at the and open up the possibility for a powerful bloc of the left organisation. The International Executive Committee of the Fourth Inter- national sends you its warmest comradely greetings. It hopes that the LSSP as a whole will remain faithful to its long tradition of uncompromising struggle against imperialism and national bourgeoisie, and that it will successfully resist the manoeuvres of the bour- geois government in order to open the road fer genuine representatives of the masses to come to power. No coalition at the expense of socialist principles and the possibility of a socialist victory! Forward with the masses in struggle for a government of the United Left Front.’ FOURTH INTERNATIONAL SUMMER 1964

[p049] LIMITED NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS 186A Clapham High Street, London, $.W.4 MACaulay 7029 Write for Free Book List The New Course By Leon Trotsky A collection of articles written in 1923 during the lull before the great storm _ Of persecution which was later to overwhelm Russian Bolshevism. Here Trotsky, analyses the incipient stages of the degeneration of the Communist Party, uncovers its causes and proposes measures for combating its further decline. He here analyses the party in a historical, that is dialectical way, the relationships between generations, social strata, groups, factional forma- tions, tradition and the multitude of factors that go to make a revolutionary party. 111 pages, 3/6 This document is a landmark in the development of 20th century Marxism. It sums up the experience of an entire period of struggle against the Soviet bureaucracy. This Platform also represents the highest point in the fortunes of the Joint Opposition (Trotskyist-Zinovievite) to Stalin. It is the programme of the ijast of the Bolshevik-Leninists who insisted that they remained communists despite all the per- secution, jailings, violence and slander inflicted on them. But this document also represents a watershed—the end of one phase and the beginning of another—in the evolution of Trotskyist politics. 112 pages, 5/- The Draft Programme of the Communist International by Leon Trotsky This is part of the author’s criticism of the draft programme submitted by the Executive Committee of the Third (Communist) International to the 6th Congress of the Comintern which was held in July 1928. The manuscript of that criticism was written by Trotsky during his exile in Alma-Ata (Central Asia). It was sent to the Congress in Moscow together with an appeal for reinstatement into the party from which he had been expelled a few months before by the Stalinist faction in 1927. Stalin and his supporters had invented the theory of ‘Socialism in one country’, which was made party policy in 1925 and converted into an article of faith to be defended by the world institutions of Stalinism. It is this theory which Trotsky criticises in these pages. 64 pages, 1/- This is a polemic against Radek in 1928. Trotsky examines the arguments against his pre-war theory of the permanent revolution (as expounded in Results and Prospects) and takes up the history of his differences with Lenin before 1917, of which Stalin and his henchmen made so much. Trotsky shows that it was Lenin's criticisms of his attitude to the centralised Marxist party, which he afterwards understood and accepted, that kept them apart. and not their differences on the permanent revolution. 254 pages, 15/- soft cover, 25/- hard cover This is the basic programmatic document of the world The death agony im movement founded by Leon Trotsky and his comrades. By Me «1938 the revolutionary Marxists had found it necessary to capitalism Mma lay the foundations of the Fourth International in order to restore working-class leadership after the defeats prepared by and the . ™ the Stalinist bureaucracy in control of the Third (Communist) International. The defeat of the German Revolution in tasks of the 1923, of the British General Strike in 1926, and of the Chinese Revolution in 1927, followed by Hitler’s victory over the German working class in 1933, finally ruled out the 4th Intergational wcrc perspective of transforming the Communist International by internal opposition. 60 pages, 1/- Seen Printed by Plough Press Ltd. (T.U.). r/o 180 Clapham High Street. London, S.W.4

[p050] FOURTH INTERNATIONAL is the theoretical journal of the International Committee of the Fourth Inter- national. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL continues the work of LABOUR REVIEW which concluded its 12th year of publication with its last issue, the fifth number of volume 7. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL continues the work and traditions of Revolutionary Communism since the death of Lenin. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL represents the unbroken chain of theoretical journals in the Bolshevik tradition, whose continuators were the Left Opposition led and inspired by Leon Trotsky. FouRTH INTERNATIONAL follows in the traditions of that Opposition and in the traditiona of the Fourth International of Leon Trotsky. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL continues the decades of work by Trotskyists in the International Labour movement and here in Britain. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL is now the product of a continuous struggle of the Marxists in the International and _ British Labour movement against Stalinism and Reformism. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL represents the successful fusion of Marxist trends in the International and British Labour movement, from the Trotskyist, to Communist, Social-Democratic and Trad Union movements. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL, With this issue commences a new period of activity in the international and British Labour movements and_ simultaneously prepares and equips the Marxist movement for its future intervention in the battles of the working class which promise to eclipse and transcend all previous struggles both in their depth and scope. Ss se To: New Park Publications Ltd., 186A Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 I enclose cheque/postal order/money order /dratt for £ S. d. to pay for issues of FOURTH INTERNATIONAL. Price 2/6 (postage 6d. per issue)