Statement on Vietnam by the International Committee of the Fourth International
1966Fourth International Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: words can be misread, and the end of one piece can run into the next. For anything you quote, read the scan.
[p053] Statement on Vietnam HE international Com- mittee of the Fourth International salutes the workers and peasants of Vietnam in their struggle to expel the U.S. im- perialist forces from Vietnam, and calls upon all its sections to cam- paign for working-class action in every country against the imperialists. This imperialist war of extermination has developed step by step with the deepen- ing crisis of the capitalist system. There is an inevit- able tendency towards war as a solution for capitalism’s economic difficulties. The current development of the crisis now involves the physical wiping out of whole sections of the world’s popu- lation in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Since the bombing of North Vietnam began in early 1965, this economic, political and military crisis has broken out in the India- Pakistan conflict, in the with- drawal of Singapore from Malaysia, and in the political overturn in Indonesia. It is no longer a question of stopping the bombing in Vietnam, nor even only of the ending of the Vietnam war through defeat of the capitalist forces; South-East Asia now represents § an enormous testing-ground for the continuance of the very existence of imperialism. Only the international action of the working class, mobilised by Marxist parties fighting for the reconstruc- tion of the Fourth Inter- national, can defeat the ruling classes of the im- perialist countries and abolish the threat of war. The danger of a world war has been increased because of the role of the Soviet bureaucracy, international Stalinism, and the official working-class leaderships all over the world. In Britain, the social- democratic leaders of the Labour Party have provided the main support for U.S. imperialism in the Vietnam war, in Malaysia, and in India. The Labour Party Confer- ence rejected by a large majority even a_ resolution against the bombing of North Vietnam and for negotiations with the National Liberation Front. The Communist Party in Britain has liquidated itself on this question into an utterly ineffective pacifist protest movement. In France, the Stalinists have equally capitulated to the imperialists, calling for ‘pressure’ to help de Gaulle develop his ‘policy of peace and neutralism in South Vietnam’ (L’Humanité). This policy of preventing the working class from carrying out any indepen- dent action against imperial- ist war is indissolubly linked with the role of the Stalin- ists and the reformists in disciplining the working class through capitalist state domi- nation over the trade unions. In France the Stalinists and social-democrats have 45 connived actively through the trade unions under their control, at the implementa- tion of the ‘Fifth Plan’ of de Gaulle, and in Britain the Labour Party Conference has sanctioned the early intro- duction of state legislation by the Labour government to restrict the trade unions and workers in the struggle against the employers. The fight to build Marxist revolutionary parties, capable of leading the working class to power, can be won only through the defeat of these traditional leaderships. Pacifism has always been an instrument of the ruling class, especially in condi- tions of war or the immi- nence of war. In the imperialist epoch of continuous wars and revolu- tions, pacifism has become increasingly and openly bankrupt. Its complete failure in the situation re- sulting from the Vietnam war, despite the existence of great feeling and capacity for action in many countries, particularly the United States and Britain, is to be ex- plained precisely by the very depth of imperialism’s crisis, which lies behind the war. Just because the conflict in South-East Asia and _ its international implications in- volve a threat to the very existence of capitalism, and are not simply an occasion for ‘humanist’ protest; the pacifists, now — sustained above all by the Stalinists, play the role of holding back the struggle against im- perialist war. INTERNATIONAL
[p054] DOCUMENTS INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL 45 Statement on Vietnam HE International Com- mittee of the Fourth International salutes the workers and peasants of Vietnam in their struggle to expel the U.S. im- perialist forces from Vietnam, and calls upon all its sections to cam- paign for working-class action in every country against the imperialists. This imperialist war of extermination has developed step by step with the deepen- ing crisis of the capitalist system. There is an inevit- able tendency towards war as a solution for capitalism’s economic difficulties. The current development of the crisis now involves the physical wiping out of whole sections of the world’s popu- lation in the colonial and semi-colonial countries. Since the bombing of North Vietnam began in early 1965, this economic, political and military crisis has broken out in the India- Pakistan conflict, in the with- drawal of Singapore from Malaysia, and in the political overturn in Indonesia. It is no longer a question of stopping the bombing in Vietnam, nor even only of the ending of the Vietnam war through defeat of the capitalist forces; South-East Asia now represents an enormous testing-ground for the continuance of the very existence of imperialism. Only the international action of the working class, mobilised by Marxist parties fighting for the reconstruc- tion of the Fourth Inter- national, can defeat the ruling classes of the im- perialist countries and abolish the threat of war. The danger of a world war has been increased because of the role of the Soviet bureaucracy, international Stalinism, and the official working-class leaderships all over the world. In Britain, the _ social- democratic leaders of the Labour Party have provided the main support for U.S. imperialism in the Vietnam war, in Malaysia, and in India. The Labour Party Confer- ence rejected by a large majority even a_ resolution against the bombing of North Vietnam and for negotiations with the National Liberation Front. The Communist Party in Britain has liquidated itself on this question into an utterly ineffective pacifist protest movement. In France, the Stalinists have equally capitulated to the imperialists, calling for ‘pressure’ to help de Gaulle develop his ‘policy of peace and neutralism in South Vietnam’ (L’Humanité). This policy of preventing the working class from carrying out any indepen- dent action against imperial- ist war is indissolubly linked with the role of the Stalin- ists and the reformists in disciplining the working class through capitalist state domi- nation over the trade unions. In France the Stalinists and _ social-democrats have connived actively through the trade unions under their control, at the implementa- tion of the ‘Fifth Plan’ of de Gaulle, and in Britain the Labour Party Conference has sanctioned the early intro- duction of state legislation by the Labour government to restrict the trade unions and workers in the struggle against the employers. The fight to build Marxist revolutionary parties, capable of leading the working class to power, can be won only through the defeat of these traditional leaderships. Pacifism has always been an instrument of the ruling class, especially in condi- tions of war or the immi- nence of war. In the imperialist epoch of continuous wars and revolu- tions, pacifism has become increasingly and openly bankrupt. Its complete failure in the situation re- sulting from the Vietnam war, despite the existence of great feeling and capacity for action in many countries, particularly the United States and Britain, is to be ex- plained precisely by the very depth of imperialism’s crisis, which lies behind the war. Just because the conflict in South-East Asia and_ its international implications in- volve a threat to the very existence of capitalism, and are not simply an occasion for ‘humanist’ protest; the pacifists, now sustained above all by the Stalinists, play the role of holding back the struggle against im- perialist war.
[p055] The consequence of the peaceful co-existence strategy of the Stalinists is thus a complete identification with the counter - revolutionary activities of the pacifists, and an endangering of the con- quests of the Russian and Chinese Revolutions’ in world war. Only the programme of the Fourth International has given the working class the perspective of resolving its crisis of leadership, as the key to resolving the crisis of humanity, expressed as it is _ eT oe ———~, aed in the constant tendency of the capitalist system to threaten, if it survives, the very existence of human life, through war, starvation, and economic chaos. In every country Trotsky- ists, in the struggle to re- construct the Fourth Inter- national, preparing for the international conference of the International Committee in 1966, will organise 100 per cent support for the liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people. They will oppose the class- - - -_ Cc evlom FOURTH INTERNATIONAL, JANUARY 1966 collaboration policies of the Stalinists and reformists. Every blow struck against the imperialists in their own countries is a blow in favour of the Vietcong against the U.S. imperialist armies. It is in the course of such struggles that parties of the Fourth International will be built, parties capable of leading the workers to final victory over the imperialists. International Committee of the Fourth International 3.10.65 Two pamphlets which contain the reports from Ceylon by the representatives of The Newsletter. G. Healy’s reports cover the developments leading up to and including the formation of the Bandaranaike-LSSP coalition government and the subsequent split of the LSSP. M. Banda’s reports cover the period up to the downfall of the coalition. Together, these accounts constitute a searching analysis and a devasiating exposé of revisionist politics as practised by that rump which calls itself the Unified Secretariat. By M.BANDA CEYLON: ,,, The logic of '* CEYLON: The Great CEYLON iti iti Coalition ‘EY: OF em Betrayal sy c.HEALY coalition politics er (CEYLON) Two reprts from Can Also includes documents, Also contains documents, statements and confer- ence decisions. Price: sixpence <congutur tema *mumn statements, resolutions, enn '. and correspondence. 2s 5 aes ee ~ Price: one shilling Orders to: NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD.,186A CLAPHAM HIGH STREET, LONDON, S.W.4
[p056] 46 The consequence of the peaceful co-existence strategy of the Stalinists is thus a complete identification with the counter ~ revolutionary activities of the pacifists, and an endangering of the con- quests of the Russian and Chinese Revolutions in world war. Only the programme of the Fourth International has given the working class the perspective of resolving its in the constant tendency of the capitalist system to threaten, if it survives, the very existence of human life, through war, starvation, and economic chaos. In every country Trotsky- ists, in the struggle to re- construct the Fourth Inter- national, preparing for the international conference of the International Committee in 1966, will organise 100 per cent support for the FOURTH INTERNATIONAL, JANUARY 1966 collaboration policies of the Stalinists and reformists. Every blow struck against the imperialists in their own countries is a blow in favour of the Vietcong against the U.S. imperialist armies. It is in the course of such struggles that parties of the Fourth International will be built, parties capable of leading the workers to final victory over the imperialists. International Committee of the Fourth International 3.10.65 crisis of leadership, as the key to resolving the crisis of humanity, expressed as it is liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people. They will oppose the class- Two pamphlets which contain the reports from Ceylon by the representatives of The Newsletter. G. Healy’s reports cover the developments leading up to and including the formation of the Bandaranaike-LSSP coalition government and the subsequent split of the LSSP. M. Banda’s reports cover the period up to the downfall of the coalition. Together, these accounts constitute a searching analysis and a devasiating exposé of revisionist politics as practised by that rump which calls itself the Unified Secretariat. _ CEYLON: By M.BANDA CEYLON: The Great The logic of CEYLON wae wes Sains Betrayal sy c.HEALy coalition politics Twe reports from feylon = . by &. Healy ee Also includes documents, statements, resolutions, and correspondence. * Price: one shilling Also contains documents, statements and confer- ence decisions. Price: sixpence Orders to: NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD.,186A CLAPHAM HIGH STREET, LONDON, S.W.4
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