Long Live the Heroic Czechoslovak People!

[p032] Long live the heroic Czecho- slovak people! Long live Soviet-Czecho- slovak friendship! February 28, 1969 Fourth International, Summer 1970

[p033] councils be established as ‘in- dustrial’ appendices of the bureaucracy as in Yugoslavia. IN THIS fundamental differ- ence on the role and meaning of workers’ councils and the proletarian party all militants can measure the abyss that separates us as Marxists from the revisionists who abuse the name of the Fourth Inter- national. Party MILITANT communists and socialists, we think that all experience shows that the van- guard of the Czechoslovak working class and of all the E European countries must build the class party of the political revolution. We think that this in- dependent party can only be founded on the programme of the Fourth International as a member of this International. The party will then embody the international unity of the working class, organizing the struggle of the working class for the taking of power in the entire world. Czechoslovak militants can and must renew the struggle of those like Zavis Kalandra who, from 1936, answered the call of Leon Trotsky and denounced the Moscow Trials. people! THE CAMPAIGN of suicide by fire in Czechoslovakia, started on January 16, 1969 by Prague student Jan Palach as a protest against the un- warranted interference in the internal affairs of the Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia, is not over. On February 21 a new ‘living torch’—but living only for a moment— burned in Wenceslas Square. This protest, which takes such a horrible form, is first of all directed at us, the Soviet people. It is the unsolicited and completely unjustified pre- sence of our troops that is provoking such anger and such despair among the Czecho- slovak people. Not in vain has Jan Palach’s death aroused all the Czecho- slovak workers. 20 The condemnation of Kalandra to hanging meant the victory of the Stalinist bureaucracy in Czechoslovakia. In the same way, the devel- opment of the struggle of the Czechoslovak workers in 1968 necessarily meant the reappear- ance of the name of Kalandra, leader of the Fourth Inter- national, before workers and militant Czechoslovaks. The Stalinist bureaucracy has long understood that its principal enemy is the Fourth International. It knows that the only alter- native to its power, the only path for the workers’ struggle, is the Fourth International. That is why it leads the offensive against ‘Trotskyism’, even if the militants accused are not Trotskyists and are not familiar with the pfo- gramme and organization of the Fourth International. All communists, all militant workers must draw this con- clusion: build the party of the Fourth International, the party of Kalandra! Continuity The task of the construction of the party requires that militants clarify their own experiences and link them with We bear the full weight of responsibility for his death, and for the deaths of other Czechoslovak brothers who have committed suicide. By approving, by justifying the military intervention, or simply by remaining silent, we allow more living torches to burn in the squares of Prague and other cities. The Czechs and Slovaks have always considered us their brothers. Are we going to let the word ‘Soviet’ be- come synonymous with the word ‘enemy’ for them? Citizens of our country! The greatness of our coun- try does not lie in the might of its armies brought down on a_e small freedom-loving people, but in its moral force. Are we going to continue to great the experiences of the inter- national proletariat within the context of the continuity of Bolshevism. Such clarification can only take place within an organized context, by continuing the struggle by the side of the workers, by joining the struggle of the international proletariat. This also means that the party can only be constructed if it is part of the Fourth In- ternational. The victory of the International, leader of the world revolution, will mean the formation of the Socialist United States of Europe and will at the same time resolve the national question. An important stage on this road will be the Socialist Federation of Central and E Europe which will begin to settle the problem of nation- alities and nations, particularly important in this part of Europe. Because the Soviet bureau- cracy’s relationship to the Czechoslovak bureaucracy, and to other eastern countries, takes the form of national oppression, the struggle of the workers against the Kremlin bureaucracy is a struggle for national liberty. National demands, as a con- for democratic rights, are part of the struggle for the political Long live the heroic Czechoslovak Appeal to the citizens of the Soviet Union from Piotr Grigorenko. look on in silence as our brothers perish? It is now clear to all that the presence of our troops on the territory of the Socialist . Republic of Czechoslovakia is not in the interest of the de- fence of our country or in the revolution and can only be defended in alliance with the workers of the Soviet Union and not on a national basis. @ Long live the Czechos- lovak working class and youth! @ Immediate liberation of all arrested militants @ Reinstatement of all militants dismissed from their jobs @ Unconditional with- drawal of the occupation troops @ Defence of the democra- tic rights won by the Czechos- lovak workers @ Long live the Socialist Federation of Central and E Europe, an important stage on the road to the Socialist United States of Europe @ Militants! Forward to the construction of the party of the political revolution @ Long live the Fourth International Switzerland, December 27, 1969 to January 3, 1970. interest of the countries of the socialist community. Will we not have enough courage to admit that a tragic error has been committed and do all we can to rectify it? It is our right and our duty! We call on all Soviet citizens to use every legal means at our disposal, while avoiding hasty and ill-considered action, to bring about the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Czecho- Slovakia and the renunciation of interference in the internal affairs of this country. Only in this way can friend- ship between our two peoples be re-established. Long live the heroic Czecho- slovak people! Long live Soviet-Czecho- slovak friendship! February 28, 1969 Fourth International, Summer 1970

[p034] STALINISM was built in the USSR by completely liqui- dating the Bolshevik Party, by massacring its mili- tants from top to bottom, including the supporters = a of Stalin. From 1935 to 1938, for example, one million Russian militants were arrested, 600,000 were executed and 400,000 were deported. Stalin and the bureaucracy had to liquidate almost the whole of the Bolshevik Party, from the Party branches to the Politburo, in order to consolidate its domina- tion and exclude the proletariat from power. The political revolution in the USSR requires, in parti- @ cular, the renewal of this link with the past of Bol- shevism that Stalinism tried to erase forever. That is why this document written in 1967 and published in ‘Samizadat I’ (‘The Voice of the Communist Op- position in the USSR’), which evaded the Stalinist political police, is so important. The signatories to this letter, all sons and daughters of the Bolshevik cadres assassinated by Stalin and the bureaucracy, represent by their names and by the contents of the letter a direct link with Bolshevism. Reflected in their names is the diversity and richness of the past. Bukharin, member of the Politburo, leader of the Right me Opposition; Antonov-Ovseyenko, responsible for the political leadership of the Red Army, member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to 1927; Radek, member of the Central Committee, advisor to the German Communist Party, member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to 1929; Petrovsky, People’s Commissar for home affairs, member of the Central Committee, half-hearted supporter of Stalin at first; Shlyapnikov, member of the Central Committee, leader of the workers’ opposition; Muralov, one of the leaders of the Moscow Soviet in October 1917; member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to 1931; Sapronov, leader of the so-called Democratic Centralism group, mem- ber of the Left Opposition in 1923; Piatnitsky, presi- a Growin 0 sition dent of the railwaymen’s union, member of the Central Committee, supporter of Stalin; Serebriakov, one of the three secretaries of the Central Committee in 1919, member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to Bene ' 1928; Yenukidze, secretary of the executive commit- rf} nism iil (i tee of the Soviets, half-hearted supporter of Stalin; Berzin, colonel, commander of the Latvian regiment in 1917; Kalinin, member of the Politburo, president of the executive committee of Soviets, etc. H the number of signatures isn’t greater, it is because a a Soviet Union entire families, like that of Trotsky were assassinated. By this protest against the rehabilitation of Stalin, carried out today in the official organ of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the descendents of the assassinated Bolsheviks express the refusal of millions of workers and intellectuals to yield before the escalation of the rule of force, an escalation which follows naturally from the rehabilitation of the father of concentration camps and counter-revolu- tionary terror who the bold thinker, Roger Garaudy, Fourth International, Summer 1970 in 1952 still called, ‘Papa Stalin’.

[p035] STALINISM was built in the USSR by completely liqui- dating the Bolshevik Party, by massacring its mili- tants from top to bottom, including the supporters of Stalin. From 1935 to 1938, for example, one million Russian militants were arrested, 600,000 were executed and 400,000 were deported. Stalin and the bureaucracy had to liquidate almost the whole of the Bolshevik Party, from the Party branches to the Politburo, in order to consolidate its domina- tion and exclude the proletariat from power. S , a The political revolution in the USSR requires, in parti- cular, the renewal of this link with the past of Bol- shevism that Stalinism tried to erase forever. That is why this document written in 1967 and published in ‘Samizadat I’ (‘The Voice of the Communist Op- The signatories to this letter, all sons and daughters of the Belshevik cadres assassinated by Stalin and the bureaucracy, represent by their names and by the contents of the letter a direct link with Bolshevism. of the Central Committee, advisor to the German Communist Party, member of the Left Opposition a a. Growin (} Osiion dent of the railwaymen’s union, member of the Central Committee, supporter of Stalin; Serebriakov, one of the three secretaries of the Central Committee in 1919, member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to Committee of the CPSU, the descendents of the assassinated Bolsheviks express the refusal of Reflected in their names is the diversity and richness of the past. a Bukharin, member of the Politburo, leader of the Right 0 S eVI S Opposition; Antonov-Ovseyenko, responsible for the from 1923 to 1929; Petrovsky, People’s Commissar for home affairs, member of the Central Committee, half-hearted supporter of Stalin at first; Shlyapnikov, member of the Central Committee, leader of the workers’ opposition; Muralov, one of the leaders of the Moscow Soviet in October 1917; member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to 1931; Sapronov, leader a og = . 1928; Yenukidze, secretary of the executive commit- [0 Stalinism in the tee of the Soviets, half-hearted supporter of Stalin; Berzin, colonel, commander of the Latvian regiment in 1917; Kalinin, member of the Politburo, president of the executive committee of Soviets, etc. Hf the number of signatures isn’t greater, it is because millions of workers and intellectuals to yield before the escalation of the rule of force, an escalation which follows naturally from the rehabilitation of the father of concentration camps and counter-revolu- position in the USSR’), which evaded the Stalinist political police, is so important. political leadership of the Red Army, member of the Left Opposition from 1923 to 1927; Radek, member of the so-called Democratic Centralism group, mem- ber of the Left Opposition in 1923; Piatnitsky, presi- a a Coviel inion entire families, like that of Trotsky were assassinated. By this protest against the rehabilitation of Stalin, carried out today in the official organ of the Central tionary terror who the bold thinker, Roger Garaudy, Fourth International, Summer 1970 in 1952 still called, ‘Papa Stalin’.

[p036] Kari Radek To the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the USSR (CPSU) on behalf of the surviving children of the innocent communist vic- tims of Stalin. 4, TODAY, in speeches, in the press, on television, 4 the ‘merits’ of Stalin are praised. This represents 4 a political revision of the ‘20th and 22nd _ Con- gresses of the CPSU. This troubles us deeply. And not only because our a) parents and ourselves were, like millions of others, vic- tims of the criminal machine é A. Shlyapnikov of Stalin. It saddens us to think that the betrayed masses were forced to con- sent to this arbitrary despot- ism. This must not be repeated. The rebirth of the past brings communist ideas into ques- tion, discredits our system and legalizes the assasination of millons of innocent people. All the attempts to whiten the black deeds of Stalin raise the danger of a repetition of the hideous tragedy that struck our Party, our people and the whole communist movement. The tragedy of the Chinese events obliges all of us to out- line necessary safeguards to A. Gastev prevent a repetition of similar Catastrophes. Only revealing totally the crimes of Stalin and his supporters can gener- ate movement, consciousness and indignation in all of society needed to destroy all the results of the Stalin’ cult and make the return of new cults and new despotisms im- possible. How can one praise Stalin after all that our people and the international communist movement have suffered be- cause of him ? This adulatory praise shackles our movement, weak- ens our ranks, destroys our power and makes the triumph of communism impossible. We must celebrate the 50th anniversary of the great Oct- ober revolution under the flags of the Party, bearing like a. torch the immortal name of Lenin, the greatest democracy, collective control of society, control of society by society itself. To unfurl these flags is the best homage we can pay to the men crushed by the diabolical cult of the individual. On some of us today there 1S Still an unjustified stigma. Others are doomed to oblivion. History will bring them back into the heart of the Party, into the heart of the people. The monument to the vic- tims of Stalin’s despotism promised by the 22nd Con- gress of the Party must be erected to mark the existence of the Soviet state for 50 years. In these days of celebration, G. I. Boki those who fought for a world October will be with us. Their number cannot be counted: from the eminent leaders of the Party to the soldiers in the ranks of the revolution. ‘ There is no place for the name of a despot on the flags ‘of the Party. ‘We ask you to take notice of all that is written here and to see our letter as part of the struggle for communism. We hope this letter will allow an irreparable error to be avoided. Reprinted from ‘Workers Press’ of Saturday, September 27, 1969. N. I. Bukharin Yenukidze N. I. Muralov Documents from the Soviet Opposition

[p037] Letter signed by PIOTR YAKIR, son of E. A. Yakir. L. PETROVSKY, son of P. G. Petrovsky and grandson of G. |. Petrovsky. A. BOKI, daughter of G. I. Boki. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO, son of V. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko. G. TROITSKAYA, daughter of Livchitz. G. AKOULOV, son of I. A. Akoulov. S. V. STANKOVA (Ossinskaya-Obolevskaya), daughter of communists. G. POLECHTCHOUK, daughter of N. I. Muralov. YU JIVLIOUK, son of communists. V. TERLIN, daughter of M. S. Gorb. Z. SEREBRIAKOVA, daughter of G. Serebriakova. The serious crimes of Stalin make all positive judgement of his activity immoral. am signing precisely this point: YU AIKHENWALD, son of a communist. S. FEDOROVA, daughter of G. F. Fedorova. J. KRIAPIVIANSKY, son of N. G. Kriapiviansky. V. SCHMIDT, son of V. V. Schmidt. YU LARIN (Bukharin), son of N. 1. Bukharin and grandson of Yuri Larin. S. K. RADEK, daughter of Karl Radek. A. VSESVIATSKAYA, daughter of communists. A. GASTEV, son of A. Gastev. LARISSA BOGORAZ, daughter of a communist. I. YAKIR, grand-daughter of I. E. Yakir and daughter of P. I. Yakir. N: NETCHINCHTOHIKOYV, son of a communist. N. N. POPOV, son of N. Popov. N. N. DEMTCHENKO, son of N. Demtchenko. It is impossible to forget and to justify the crimes of Stalin in the name of any of his ‘services’. V. SCHVARTZSTEIN, son of a communist. I. PIATNITSKY, son of O. A. Piatnitsky. T. BAEVA, daughter of a communist. R. IANSON, daughter of a communist. YU SAPRONOV, son of T. V. Sapronov. K. ZONBERG, son of a communist. YU N. VAVILOV, son of the academician Nicolas Vavilov, president of the Vaskhnil. V. BLUMFELD (Svitchis), son of a communist. M. IVANOV (Kalinin), grandson of M. |. Kalinin. I. A. SHLYAPNIKOVA, daughter of the friend of Lenin, A. Shlyapnikov. V. YENUKIDZE, in the name of eight people of the family of Bolsheviks. A. and T. YENUKIDZE, crushed by Stalin. ARIA REINGOLDOVNA DIMZE-BERZIN, daughter of R. |. Berzin. T. SMILGA-POLOUIAN, daughter of communists. L. ZAVADSKI, son of a communist. YU KIM, son of a communist. S. GUENKIN, son of a communist.

[p038] Letter signed by PIOTR YAKIR, son of E. A. Yakir. L. PETROVSKY, son of P. G. Petrovsky and grandson of G. I. Petrovsky. A. BOKI, daughter of G. I. Boki. A. ANTONOV-OVSEYENKO, son of V. A. Antonov-Ovseyenko. G. TROITSKAYA, daughter of Livchitz. G. AKOULOV, son of I. A. Akoulov. S. V. STANKOVA (Ossinskaya-Obolevskaya), daughter of communists. G. POLECHTCHOUK, daughter of N. |. Muralov. YU JIVLIOUK, son of communists. V. TERLIN, daughter of M. S. Gorb. Z. SEREBRIAKOVA, daughter of G. Serebriakova. The serious crimes of Stalin make all positive judgement of his activity immoral. am signing precisely this point: YU AIKHENWALD, son of a communist. S. FEDOROVA, daughter of G. F. Fedorova. J. KRIAPIVIANSKY, son of N. G. Kriapiviansky. V. SCHMIDT, son of V. V. Schmidt. YU LARIN (Bukharin), son of N. |. Bukharin and grandson of Yuri Larin. S. K. RADEK, daughter of Karl Radek. A. VSESVIATSKAYA, daughter of communists. A. GASTEV, son of A. Gastev. LARISSA BOGORAZ, daughter of a communist. I. YAKIR, grand-daughter of 1. E. Yakir and daughter of P. I. Yakir. N. NETCHINCHTOHIKOV, son of a communist. N. N. POPOV, son of N. Popov. N. N. DEMTCHENKO, son of N. Demtchenko. It is impossible to forget and to justify the crimes of Stalin in the name of any of his ‘services’. V. SCHVARTZSTEIN, son of a communist. I. PIATNITSKY, son of O. A. Piatnitsky. T. BAEVA, daughter of a communist. R. IANSON, daughter of a communist. YU SAPRONOYV, son of T. V. Sapronov. K. ZONBERG, son of a communist. YU N. VAVILOV, son of the academician Nicolas Vavilov, president of the Vaskhnil. V. BLUMFELD (Svitchis), son of a communist. M. IVANOV (Kalinin), grandson of M. I. Kalinin. 1. A. SHLYAPNIKOVA, daughter of the friend of Lenin, A. Shlyapnikov. V. YENUKIDZE, in the name of eight people of the family of Bolsheviks. A. and T. YENUKIDZE, crushed by Stalin. ARIA REINGOLDOVNA DIMZE-BERZIN, daughter of R. I. Berzin. T. SMILGA-POLOUIAN, daughter of communists. L. ZAVADSKI, son of a communist. YU KIM, son of a communist. S. GUENKIN, son of a communist.