'l'Imperialisme en 1970', by Pierre Jalee

[p078] ‘’Imperialisme en 1970 By Pierre Jalee, Maspero, 1970 Reviewed by Tom Kemp DESPITE THE modest disavowals of the author, a book with the title ‘Imperialism in 1970’ and which refers explicitly to the works of Lenin and Bukharin, must be in some sense an attempt to bring up to date and apply the Marxist theory of imperialism to the present day. The titles of the chapters and the statistical and other information upon which the analysis is based confirm this impression. By reason of the importance of the subject matter, but also because the author falls into methodological errors and seeks to find support for a position which can briefly be characterized as ‘pro-Chinese’ this book deserves attention and requires a rigorous critique. No doubt like Jalée’s previous book ‘The Pillage of the Third World’, it will eventually be available in English translation, but as it is likely to have some influence before then it is as well to antici- pate by taking up the original French edition recently published. Jalée is an industrious compiler of statistics and, like Magdoss (‘The Age of Imperialism’), whose writings he quotes, he tends to be over- impressed by them instead of gearing them to an analysis which takes into account all the aspects of a complex and ever-changing reality in a way which statistics alone cannot do. But in considering his work it is always necessary to take account of the political perspective which is spelled out in the concluding chapter and to which we shall return later. In short, Jalée- assumes that the principal contradiction of the epoch is that between ‘the Third World’ and imperialism. He has little confidence in the possibility of revolution in the advanced capitalist countries but great hopes that the anti-imperialist struggle in the so-called ‘Third World’ will in- tensify the contradictions of capitalism. His analysis is tilted towards this conclusion in a manner which will now be established. Jalée concludes from an examination of trends in trade between the advanced capitalist countries and the primary producing countries that the dependence of the former upon the latter as sources of supply has grown, especially as far as petroleum and metallic ores are concerned, since Lenin and Bukharin wrote about the question. Consequently the imperialist eountries must ensure that they control the areas from which these products are derived and prevent them breaking away from the capitalist world market. This is no longer done through the medium of old-style colonialism in which firms in the im- Book review perialist country dominated the economies of that country’s colonies. Nowadays the great inter- national companies, predominantly American, are the instruments of imperialist penetration and control of ostensibly independent states. Through a process of understandings and rivalries, these companies lay their hands on the principal sources of raw materials in the Third World. While it is important to show the continued dependence of the advanced countries upon the raw materials supplied by the colonies and former colonies, in answer to those revisionists who claim that imperialism is finished, this dependence is a relative matter. Recent history shows that every attempt will be made to ensure control over these sources of supply. Imperialism is not so much sensitive to the loss of one or two of such sources as to the political effect which revolutiohary move- ments in one country or area have on the rest of its territorial preserves. This same history shows that the decisive struggles do not take place in the so-called ‘Third World’ but in the metro- politan countries which dominate the whole capi- talist world market of which it is a dependent part. In economics as well as political terms this is true: the economies of the ‘Third World’ are geared to and are dependent upon the advanced countries. The idea that imperialism can be best attacked by lopping off its branches piecemeal in Africa, Asia and Latin America rests upon a false assumption. In his earlier books Jalée tried to measure in financial terms the ‘tribute’ drawn off from the ‘Third World’ by the advanced countries as the result of ‘unequal exchange’. He now admits that it was a methodological mistake to try to reduce imperialist exploitation to a question of arithmetic. It would require, in any case, continuous balance of payments deficits on the part of the dependent countries and a constantly growing realization problem for the recipients. It is this contradiction’ which lies behind the ‘much publicised ‘aid to underdeveloped countries’. The continued ex- ploitation of the natural resources and labour- power of these countries by the big monopolies would be impossible without a flow of capital from governments and international financial in- stitutions. At the same time, it gives imperialism a political stranglehold over the goverments of the newly independent countries, since without this ‘aid’. they would face economic collapse and revolution. It ensures the docility of these govern- ments which thus become the guarantors for the 49

[p079] BOOK REVIEVV ‘?Imperialisme en 1970 By Pierre Jalee, Maspero, 1970 Reviewed by Tom Kemp DESPITE THE modest disavowals of the author, a book with the title ‘Imperialism in 1970’ and which refers explicitly to the works of Lenin and Bukharin, must be in some sense an attempt to bring up to date and apply the Marxist theory of imperialism to the present day. The titles of the chapters and the statistical and other information upon which the analysis is based confirm this impression. By reason of the importance of the subject matter, but also because the author falls into methodological errors and seeks to find support for a position which can briefly be characterized as ‘pro-Chinese’ this book deserves attention and requires a rigorous critique. No doubt like Jalée’s previous book ‘The Pillage of the Third World’, it will eventually be available in English translation, but as it is likely to have some influence before then it is as well to antici- pate by taking up the original French edition recently published. Jalée is an industrious compiler of statistics and, like Magdoss (‘The Age of Imperialism’), whose writings he quotes, he tends to be over- impressed by them instead of gearing them to an analysis which takes into account all the aspects of a complex and ever-changing reality in a way which statistics alone cannot do. But in considering his work it is always necessary to take account of the political perspective which is spelled out in the concluding chapter and to which we shall return later. In short, Jalée: assumes that the principal contradiction of the epoch is that between ‘the Third World’ and imperialism. He has little confidence in the possibility of revolution in the advanced capitalist countries but great hopes that the anti-imperialist struggle in the so-called ‘Third World’ will in- tensify the contradictions of capitalism. His analysis is tilted towards this conclusion in a manner which will now be established. Jalée concludes from an examination of trends in trade between the advanced capitalist countries and the primary producing countries that the dependence of the former upon the latter as sources of supply has grown, especially as far as petroleum and metallic ores are concerned, since Lenin and Bukharin wrote about the question. Consequently the imperialist eountries must ensure that they control the areas from which these products are derived and prevent them breaking away from the capitalist world market. This is no longer done through the medium of old-style colonialism in which firms in the im- Book review perialist country dominated the economies of that country’s colonies. Nowadays the great inter- national companies, predominantly American, are the instruments of imperialist penetration and control of ostensibly independent states. Through a process of understandings and rivalries, these companies lay their hands on the principal sources of raw materials in the Third World. While it is important to show the continued dependence of the advanced countries upon the raw materials supplied by the colonies and former colonies, in answer to those revisionists who claim that imperialism is finished, this dependence is a relative matter. Recent history shows that every attempt will be made to ensure control over these sources of supply. Imperialism is not so much sensitive to the loss of one or two of such sources as to the political effect which revolutiohary move- ments in one country or area have on the rest of its territorial preserves. This same history shows that the decisive struggles do not take place in the so-called ‘Third World’ but in the metro- politan countries which dominate the whole capi- talist world market of which it is a dependent part. In economics as well as political terms this is true: the economies of the ‘Third World’ are geared to and are dependent upon the advanced countries. The idea that imperialism can be best attacked by lopping off its branches piecemeal in Africa, Asia and Latin America rests upon a false assumption. In his earlier books Jalée tried to measure in financial terms the ‘tribute’ drawn off from the ‘Third World’ by the advanced countries as the result of ‘unequal exchange’. He now admits that it was a methodological mistake to try to reduce imperialist exploitation to a question of arithmetic. It would require, in any case, continuous balance of payments deficits on the part of the dependent countries and a constantly growing realization problem for the recipients. It is this contradiction’ which lies behind the ‘much publicised ‘aid to underdeveloped countries’, The continued ex- ploitation of the natural resources and labour- power of these countries by the big monopolies would be impossible without a flow of capital from governments and international financial in- stitutions. At the same time, it gives imperialism a political stranglehold over the goverments of the newly independent countries, since without this ‘aid’. they would face economic collapse and revolution. It ensures the docility of these govern- ments which thus become the guarantors for the 49

[p080] 50 foreign monopolies which control their economies. In any case, to try to measure the degree of imperialist exploitation by an examination of balance of payments figures, as Jalée formerly did, overlooks the fact that the commodity trade of the dependent countries is largely in the hands of big foreign corporations whose books are unfortunately not open for inspection. It is in their interest to buy cheap and sell dear-regardless of the effect on the balance of payments. It is not, then, by arithmetical calculations that the degree of imperialist exploitation can be measured, as Jalée now admits. He now seems to have moved towards an analysis of the relationship between capital and labour-power in the less de- veloped countries, that is, to a consideration of the degree of exploitation involved. Much wage-labour in these countries is employed directly or in- directly by the same monopolies as control the economies of the advanced countries, therefore Marxist analysis should be able to show how investment in the less developed countries where the organic composition of capital is lower, coun- teracts the tendency for the rate of profit to fall, thus permitting the extraction of surplus profits and the consequent maintenance of a labour aristocracy in the advanced countries. So far little systematic work has been done along these lines and it is doubtful whether the kind of mathematical precision which Jalée has in mind can be achieved or is necessary. What can be shown is that the metropolitan countries still have their ‘colonies’, that the mechanism of im- perialism still functions, despite the decline of the old empires and the emergence of dozens of new independent states in Africa and Asia. Jaleé argues convincingly that the dependent countries are unable to industrialize within the context of imperialism. Such industries as are established require the assistance of outside capital or tie the economy more closely to the world market. The more advanced types of industry are still confined to the capitalist countries. Indus- trial development in the dependent countries takes the form of preparing or processing raw materials or the production of consumer goods, mainly for the local market. Investment in the less developed countries is not designed to bring about their development in an all-round way but preserves this old division of labour. Jalée’s political conclusion is that this requires a struggle against imperialism in the ‘Third World’ to break its stranglehold, but he sees this very much as an isolated struggle. In the economically dependent countries of imperialism which have become politically in- dependent states power has passed to a local bourgeoisie. In some cases (e.g. India) such a class has a long history behind it, in others it has come into being very rapidly as a result of the opportunities which the new relationship has offered for enrichment in trade, speculation and joint ventures with foreign companies which supplied the initial capital. This class thus be- comes the ally of imperialism and is integrated into the imperialist system. Consequently, it is unable to take the initiative in economic develop- ment. Jalée criticizes the view expressed by the Pabloite Mandel and others, according to which a section of this ‘national’ bourgeoisie is driven to support industrialization and thus to come into collision with imperialism. Once the ‘Third World’ countries are seen for what they are, as part of the capitalist world economy, the idea that one or a number of them could bring about the collapse of capitalism in the advanced countries or pursue an independent path of economic development on socialist lines is. shown to be false. If it is false in the abstract, theoretical sense, it is dangerous when put for- ward as a strategy of world revolution as the Pabloites, Maoists and other revisionists have done in the past two decades. It is true, of course, that there are glaring and increasing social inequalities in the ‘Third World’ countries, that the masses suffer from poverty, hunger and disease on a scale vastly greater than anything known in the advanced countries, that the governments of these countries are corrupt and unstable. Revolts and revolutions against imperialism and its open bourgeois agents will continue in these countries. Despite what Jalée writes about the anti-imperialist struggle, it has been possible to contain this within definite limits and to intervene militarily against it when it has become dangerous. Recognizing as they do the economic importance of their dependencies in Africa, Asia and Latin America, the imperialists, headed by those of the United States, are pre- pared to go to any lengths to prevent or put down revolutions. At the same time, there can be no way forward for these countries unless imperialism is over- thrown in its main strongholds, North America and Western Europe. The policy of ‘peaceful co- existence’ pursued by the Soviet bureaucracy accepts the existing division of the world and is opposed to such a revolutionary struggle. Jalée is puzzled by the attitude of the bureaucracy. He classifies the Soviet Union as part of the ‘Socialist’ world, yet his facts show that the bureaucracy is making every effort to increase its trading rela- tions with capitalism including the establishment of new links such as the building of plants in Russia by big capitalist firms which require the authorization of their governments. He refers to a Polish work which deals with the problems of growth in the underdeveloped countries as seen by official Soviet and East European economists. This shows that the bureaucracy favours joint efforts with the capitalist countries to ‘aid’ these countries while they remain subject to imperialist exploitation. The bureaucracy seeks to work with GATT, UNO and other bodies. Jalée rightly speaks of this as ‘ideological putrefaction’, but still he is quite unable to explain why this should be the official policy of a ‘socialist’ country. To say that imperialism could not survive without the so-called ‘Third World’ comes down to a truism. These countries are in various ways indispensable components of the capitalist world market to which they are integrally related. To jump from there to conclude that therefore im- perialism can or will be defeated in these coun- tries before or without a revolution in the advanced countries is entirely unscientific. Jalée’s Fourth International. Winter 1970/71

[p081] own argument in some places indeed suggests this. He agrees, for example, that the economic structure of the underdeveloped countries is determined by their dependence upon and exploit- ation by imperialism. He shows, rightly, that there is no possibility of these countries following in- dependently the road to capitalist development which in the past brought into being the advanced capitalist countries. If there is no possibility of such a development as long as they are dependent upon imperialism there is no reason to suppose that they could pursue an independent road to socialism. In fact, Jalée has not broken with the Stalinist conception of ‘socialism in one country’ which is still adhered to by the Chinese Com- munists. The examination of trade between the advanced countries brings out an interesting conclusion. The more closely integrated groups of these countries become, the greater the volume of trade between them. In particular, there has been a rapid growth in trade between the countries of the Common Market as well as in their trade with the rest of the world. It is to be expected that the removal of tariff barriers and other measures taken in the context of the Common Market should bring about a more complex division of labour god thus increase the volume of trade. Also, as Bukharin pointed out fifty years ago, there is a greater volume of exchange across national frontiers as a result of differences in costs of production in goods of a similar or identical kind. This applies, for instance, in the case of motor cars, in which there is a large volume of trade between the capitalist countries based on competition between different manu- facturers whose plants are located in one or another country. Out of this competition there has also come rapid concentration in this industry. A policy of ‘integration’ through the lowering of tariffs between the capitalist countries has been consciously pursued under the pressure of the United States since the end of the Second World War. Through the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade American capitalism has set out to secure easier access to the markets of European countries and, in particular, to end the trade pre- ferences whereby countries like Britain and France sought to preserve privileged markets in-~ their colonies and dependent territories (Sterling Area, Franc Zone). Measures of non-discrimination always operate to the advantage of the strongest. The integration of the world economy has thus proceeded under the auspices of the USA. On the other hand, other regional attempts at integration such as the Common Market and the Free Trade Area have reinforced some of the remaining bar- riers to American penetration of the former colonies as well as of the European market. An examination of the main trends in world. trade over the past two decades shows that while its total has grown rapidly this has mainly been the result of increased trade between the advanced countries rather than from the increased trade between them and the rest of the capitalist world market. But when this still vital part of world trade is considered the exports of the advanced countries to the less developed countries are Book review clearly seen to consist, as in the past, mainly of manufactured goods, while the latter export mainly primary products and semi-processed raw materials. In other words there has been no real change in the international division of labour, but the technological requirements of the industrially- advanced countries are now different from what they were. It is not so much argricultural products or the old-style staples which they need to import but the raw materials used in modern technologi- cal processes: petroleum and other mineral pro- ducts, -especially non-ferrous metals (some of which are scarce and expensive), now have a key role in world trade economically and strategically. These are the really profitable trading items. The corporations scour the globe to find new supplies which can be profitably developed and capital export follows. Meanwhile the mainly agrarian regions stagnate in unrelieved poverty. This raises the question of the export of capital as the defining characteristic of modern imper- ialism. As Lenin put it: ‘Under the old capitalism the export of goods was typical. Under the newest capitalism, when monopolies prevail, the export of capital has become typical’. This still remains of fundamental importance. Modern capitalism could not exist without continuously finding new outlets for capital, which it does, on a global scale, in response to profit opportunities. But there have been some important changes in the source and the direction of capital exports upon which Jalée’s book casts some light. In the period since 1945 the export of capital has developed at an unprecedented rate after having fallen to a trickle in the 1930s. A new feature of capital export has been the large amount of lending between governments or by governmental and international institutions. Most of this has been lending to the colonies and for colonies of the European countries, the so-called ‘Third World’. As for private capital export, about two-thirds has been from one advanced country to another: predominantly American investment in the other advanced countries. Direct American investment has increased from $8,369 million to nearly $50,000 million between 1945 and 1965. The rate of new capital investment accelerated through the fifties and sixties. The United States now accounts for approximately 65 per cent of the total international investments against 30 per cent for Britain. These capital holdings in other countries are built up in two main ways: either by an export of fresh capital which generally appears as an outflow recorded in the balance of payments of the creditor country or by the re-investment of past profits. According to Jalée these stand in the proportion of 57 per cent to 43 per cent for the period 1962-1966 as far as capital invested in the dependent countries is concerned. At the same time, part of the profits may be repatriated, in which case they appear as a credit in the balance of payments of the creditor country and a debit in the balance of the borrowers. During this period there appeared a net reverse flow of private capital from the ‘Third World’ to the advanced countries under the heading of profits of about $4,900 million, These countries 51

[p082] 52 also had to bridge an enormous trade deficit of up to $1,800 million. A large volume of ‘public’ —inter-governmental or institutional—lending and aid was necessary to finance this deficit while enabling i) private capital to draw big profits from direct investment ii) exporters in the advanced countries to find markets for part of their production. Aid to the ‘under-developed’ countries became a means of dominating them politically and econo- mically in the period after independent status had been achieved. So-called ‘aid’ thus becomes a necessary weapon in the continuing dependence of these countries. As for private capital invest- ment, it goes not into projects to develop the economies of the borrowing countries in any balanced way, but serves to tie them still more securely into the capitalist world market as pro- ducers of raw materials, particularly those which represent irreplaceable natural resources. Even where industries have been established they have borne little relationship to the needs of the national economy. The advanced capitalist coun- tries are anxious to conserve these countries as markets for their manufactured goods, not to help develop new* competitors. _ What Jalée does not bring out with sufficient clarity is the interdependence between the different parts of the world economy and the continued domination and exploitation of the ‘underdeveloped countries’ which is involved in this process. It is necessary to begin the analysis With the imperative needs of the capitalist mode of production to extract and realize surplus value. Monopoly capitalism extracts surplus value from the working class in the advanced countries and from the workers and peasants in the ‘under- developed countries’. The latter provided an indis- pensable field for the realization of surplus value created by the workers in the advanced countries and themselves constitute an additional source of surplus value, the lion’s share of which is appro- priated by the big corporations. This surplus value also has to be realized, in large part, by re-invest- ment in the ‘underdeveloped countries’, in ways which ensure their continued dependence on the metropolitan countries. Even so, the profits which are squeezed out of these countries are a crippling burden on their economies which are in a state of permanent crisis only alleviated by carefully rationed doses of ‘aid’ and further export of capital which perpetuates the chronic backward- ness, onesidedness and stagnation which character- ize the areas inhabited by two-thirds of the population subject to imperialism today. It can be shown, too, that the possibility of continued export of capital on a massive scale is a major reason why post-war capitalism has been able to avoid a major slump. Furthermore, arms spending—which the revisionists single out as the unique basis of the post-war boom—is itself required to preserve the domination of imperialism in the face of the non-capitalist countries and the threat of revolution. Con- sequently, not only has the boom had a pre- carious basis, undermined still further by the crisis in the world monetary system provoked by continuous inflation and unequal development, but it has been accompanied by a series of wars and counter-revolutionary struggles detérmined by the need to preserve at any cost the world domination of imperialism. With the Vietnam war all the contradictions and tensions implicit in the devel- opment of imperialism reach their highest expres- sion to date. Jalée’s method really separates off the different parts of an inter-related and extremely complex world process and thus is essentially not dialectical but empirical. He looks at the advanced countries and sees expansion, rising production, a low level of unemployment and new technologies— and that is all he sees. He does not see the con- tradictions of this stage, of development, the heightened class struggles resulting from the strength of a working class which, internationally, has both grown enormously in size and faces capitalism as an objectively revolutionary force more strongly than before because it has behind it no memory of defeat. He sees only what seems to be a lack of subjective desire for revolution expressed by this working class. But to explain this lag in consciousness it is also necessary to examine the experiences of this class historically and internationally. Thus he does not deal with the crisis of leadership, with the role of reformist Socialist-Democracy and counter-revolutionary Stalinism. In fact he has not severed the um- bilical cord which ties him to Stalinism, despite some tepid criticism of the policy of the Soviet. bureaucracy. His whole analysis, in fact, can be brought within the compass of the notorious Stalinist theory of ‘socialism in one country’ and its concomitant, peaceful co-existence. That is why he has to complain later that Russia and the East European countries are only too ready to co-operate with imperialism in ‘developing’ the Third World without being able to offer one word of explanation. A full examination of capitalist exploitation on a world scale has yet to be made. Although Jalée offers some elements and material for such an analysis, because he does not set off from a theoretical base which is clearly worked out and because he begins not with the economic needs of the advanced countries which lead them to impose their domination on the rest of the cap- italist world but with the underdeveloped coun- tries they exploit, he raises the wrong problems and comes to false conclusions. For example, while Lenin’s ‘Imperialism’ begins with the growth of monopoly capitalism, Jalée set off by looking at the effects of imperialism upon what he calls the ‘Third World’. That is how he reaches the conclusion that the ‘principal contradiction’ of the epoch is that between the advanced countries and the latter, thus trailing behind bourgeois theorists of the Myrdal variety despite professions of Marxism. The fact that Jalée considers the growth of monopoly and changes in finance capitalism only after he has tried to demonstrate the dependence of imperialism upon the exploitation of the less developed countries is itself symptomatic. It reverses the order in which Lenin examines these phenomena and thus does not show how the reproduction process of the capitalist mode of Fourth International. Winter 1970/71

[p083] production demands a search for investment fields, markets and assured supplies of raw material. Competition itself gives rise to the centralization and concentration of capital, as Marx foresaw. There is ample evidence from the advanced capi- talist countries to confirm what Marx and Lenin wrote about monopoly. To a growifg extent, as forms of integration such as the European Com- mon Market appear, the merger movement be- comes international and the ‘multinational com- pany’ comes on the scene. These giant firms not. only absorb competitors on their original national territory, but they move into other countries, tak- ing over or merging with existing firms or setting up their own branches. The export of capital more and more assumes the form of direct investment by the giant cor- porations in foreign subsidiaries or branches. At the same time, these giants have less need to resort to the stock exchange or the banks to raise new capital, which is provided to a large extent out of profits. That does not mean to say that the banks and finance houses play no part in the merger movement or do not participate in indus- trial investment. It does mean as Jalée suggests, that the opposition between finance capital and industrial capital has tended to break down and a financial and industrial oligarchy has appeared as the core of the capitalist ruling class. Both Lenin and Bukharin had anticipated this develop- ment which the former called the ‘concrescence’ of industrial and finance capital. These great con- centrations of capital are able to attract more than their proportionate share of total profit and seek to maintain and increase the return on capital by investing in whatever field the profits seem to be highest. Hence the formation of heterogeneous groups of which the ‘conglomerates’ in the USA are the most finished form. The formation of the European Common Market gave a new impetus to American direct investment as the corporations sought to extend or establish factories behind the tariff walls of the market. Plants established in Europe also provide a basis for the penetration of world markets in a way which would nof be open to plants operating at higher cost in the United States. In the interests of the big monopolies the American government favours further integration of the capitalist world, including the lowering of tariffs and easier access to the former colonies of the old imperialist countries. The drive towards capitalist world integration and interdependence under American leadership and direction raises all kinds of political, military -and financial problems and requires the elabora- tion of a world strategy. The acute monetary problems of the past decade reflect the burden on the dollar which the whole process of military strength, capital export and foreign aid, essential to the objectives of American imperialism, has re- quired. The struggle to maintain the dollar as the basis of the world monetary system in the face of the loss of reserves which the policy of American imperialism made inevitable has resulted in a series of financial crises which have shaken the capitalist world. Closer integration means greater vulnerability of the capitalist world system, par- Book review ticularly to inflation or deflation in the USA and to recession in that country. All questions of present-day imperialism come back to the world domination exercised by the United States as the premier imperialist power. While the internal growth of the USA has been below that of the West European countries, and still more of Japan, the export of capital from the USA has taken place on an unprecedented scale. As Jalée points out, the national product of the USA is larger than that of the nineteen member countries of OEEC. Of the 70 largest corporations 55 are American. American-owned industry in other countries is the second largest industrial power in the capitalist world. The enormous growth of American direct investment in the other capitalist countries has brought about a position of ‘interdependence’ in which the US plays the determining role and the US corpor- ations secure the lion’s share of the profits. This process does not go forward without rivalries and conflict and it is extremely uneven. A struggle is going on between American capital and its rivals which leads to alliances and mergers as well as to intensified competition. In some fields, especially those dependent upon advanced technology, US capital has already achieved an impregnable position. In others the contest goes on. At the same time, American imperialism draws into itself all the problems of the capitalist world. The relationship between the United States and the other capitalist countries certainly contains new and complex features which Marxists must analyse and explain. Jalée’s reading of the trends is that on a world scale American power has been growing at the expense of the other imperialist countries: ‘interpenetrating with, protecting and organizing the world imperialist system’. On the other hand, this ‘super-imperialism’ is a product of unequal development and is caught up in a Series of inter-imperialist rivalries. It remains highly dependent upon raw materials from the less developed countries. The world dominance of the dollar is meanwhile threatened by con- tinuous balance of payments deficits and the shrinkage of the gold reserves. Despite the existence of anti-trust and anti- monopoly laws and the writing of anti-monopoly provisions into the Treaty of Rome which established the Common Market, governments have everywhere accepted and supported the con- centration of industry. In Britain, for example, the Industrial Reconstruction Corporation was set up in 1966 by the Labour Government for this purpose. In France, Italy and other countries similar examples can be found of the state assisting the formation of giant firms in basic or key industries, some of which go far beyond the IRC in scope. Jalée puts his discussion of this question into the framework of the different formulations made by the Stalinist economist Varga and by Stalin himself. Varga, always ready to trim his theory to the needs of the bureaucracy, turned out some articles on the theme of State Monopoly Capitalism when this was a fashionable topic of discussion, for political reasons, of course, among the 53

[p084] 54 economic specialists in the Communist Parties. Varga tried to show that there was a distinction between the State and monopoly capitalism; as he put it, these are ‘independent forces . . . which come together to reach certain goals. There is not a single, unilateral “subordination” of the State to monopoly capital, as Stalin pretended, and as certain Soviet economists, for dogmatic reasons, maintain to this day’. In this phoney controversy Jalée takes the part of Stalin (‘however disagreeable’ it may be) against Varga, without realizing that both parties supplied ideological arms to the Soviet bureau- cracy to justify different political tactics towards the bourgeoisie. Instead of plumping for the view of Stalin he would have done better to make a fresh and more concrete analysis of the relation- ship. His own view is to see the relationship going through two phases: the first corresponding to the liberal period of capitalism in which the state performs few functions in the economic field and a second in which it intervenes more and more as ‘the instrument of the economic supremacy of the dominant class’. Such a formula- tion does not exhaust the question because it lacks precision about the kind of interventionism or statism which the monopolies require and which varies with circumstances in each country. The data adduced by Jalée, useful in defining some of the characteristics of imperialism to-day, do: not in fact bear out his conclusion that im- perialism is most vulnerable in the under- developed countries and that it is only there that revolution is possible. The theory that imperialism will wither and die by lopping off its branches is really of a piece with the ‘theory of socialism in one country’ and leads to compromises with the national bourgeoisie in the liberation movement. Just one sentence in Jalée’s last chapter is reveal- ing on this subject. He says: ‘Nearly eight years of an often atrocious war have permitted Algeria to break its colonial ties. . . .’ If Jalée would turn his attention as a compiler of facts and statistics to examine the nature of the Algerian economy he would not be able to sustain for one moment his assumption that it has broken its ties with imperialism, either French or American. There can be no question of condescension to- wards the national liberation struggles and revo- lutionary movements in the so-called ‘Third World’. These play and undoubtedly will continue to play an essential part in the struggle against imperialism. All the illusions are on the side of those who believe with Jalée that the principal field of this struggle lies in the ‘Third World’. Jalée meanwhile waits for something to happen in the advanced countries. He wants a broad alliance of ‘organizations and parties which claim to follow Marx or Lenin’. In other words he declares against the building of revolutionary parties and is for the perpetuation of confusion. Confining himself to surface phenomena, Jalée excludes the working class and tends towards an interpretation of capitalist development which is mechanistic. Thus his conclusion that capitalism is not moving towards ‘a_ great catastrophic explosion’, whatever that is. Presumably he means some kind of automatic collapse under the pressure of its own contradictions. Impressed by the expansion of capitalism ‘in: the past two decades, by its ability to overcome crises during that period, he assumes that the problems it will face in the future can be dealt with in the same way. ‘Is it pessimistic to think’ he asks, ‘not arbitrarily but in the light of what has actually happened in this domain since 1968, that the imperative need for cohesion and integration will come into play as the danger grows, and that a new or refurbished system will see the light when the time comes, bringing the imperialist camp a respite of indeterminate duration?’. In other words, he asks, what is to prevent capitalism going on for ever? Only one thing, so far as Jalée can see: the con- tradiction between the imperialist countries and the ‘Third World’, that in this area (but not in the advanced capitalist countries) ‘revolutionary con- ditions objectively exist and will exist more and more’. The argument against this view which was put forward by Pablo in the fifties and sub- sequently taken up by the Maoists and others, has already been dealt with. Throughout Jalée’s book any feeling for the class struggle in the advanced countries is com- pletely absent. His whole analysis, after all, rests upon an examination of statistics and official reports—indispensable raw material which must not, however, be allowed to dominate the dis- cussion of the problem of present-day imperialism. What has to be considered is the nature of the whole epoch and the historical development which has enabled capitalism to survive and prepared the conditions for the dominance of American imperialism. It is therefore impossible to put the facts and statistical trends into perspective with- out considering the crisis of leadership in the working-class movement, the isolation and degen- eration of the Soviet Union, the role of Stalinism and of bureaucracy in the labour movement, the relationship between imperialism and reformism, the results of the two imperialist wars and the way in which capitalism was salvaged after each of them. What is principally lacking in Jalée’s book is Marxist method, an historical grasp of the class forces which dominate our epoch. Capitalism is seen almost entirely in abstract terms as a mode of production subject to certain laws (though these are not traced out with any rigour) rather than as an historically developing social formation which produces an objectively revolutionary class, the proletariat. Fourth International. Winter 1970/71

[p085] ‘DAYS OF HOPE’ Penguin 10s ‘ANTI-MEMOIRS’ Penguin 10s ¢ By ANDRE MALRAUX ANDRE MALRAUX was one of the many writers who, in response to the prolonged post-First World War crisis in capitalism, turned to the working class in the late 1920s and 1930s. From the first, he thrust himself to the centre of the politics of the Communist International, unlike his English counterparts, most of whom continued to live a predominantly literary life. The Auden-Spender group in the 1930s, despite their orienta- tion to the Communist Party, remained a literary circle, operating within the confines of the radicalism tolerated by the English bourgeoisie. André Malraux played a different role. Without question he was the most brilliant novelist of his generation in France in the 1920s and 1930s. Between 1925 and 1927 he was in charge of Kuomintang propa- ganda in Canton, put there by Borodin, representative of the Comintern in Spain. In his novel on the Chinese Revolution, ‘The Conquerors’ (1928), Malraux appears. as Garine, whom Trotsky charac- terized in an article on the book as ‘a dilettante and temporarily Book review / ‘ at centre stage, ,who} gets hope- lessly embroiled in the great events’. In the course of becoming em- broiled—perhaps even confused ——by the development of events, Malraux gives a superb sketch- like picture of the rapidly developing revolutionary events during the uprising. Betrayed by the Soviet bureau- cracy, it took the Chinese workers and peasants some 20 years to recover from _ this crushing reverse. Artistically and politically the question was whether Malraux would learn any lessons. His hero, Garine, who, as a propagandist, is a type of intellec- tual spectator at the heart of events, put his own (and Mal- raux’s) political position like this: ‘I do not consider society bad ... but I consider it absurd... The possibility of reforming society is a question which does -not interest me. It is not the REVIEW BY DAVID SPOONER absence of justice from society that strikes me, but something deeper; my incapacity for ad- hering to any social order what- ever. I am a-social, just as I am a-theist.’ Decisive for Malraux’s develop- ment, for his struggle to break from a coquettishly existentialist individualism, was his relation- ship to Trotsky and Marxism. In his next novel, ‘Man’s Estate’ (‘La Condition Humaine’), published in 1933, he again works over his experiences in the Chinese Revolution and_ the exchange with Trotsky about the ‘The Conquerors’ that took place in the ‘Nouvelle Revue Francaise’ in 1931. Here, as we shall discuss later, Trotsky, while praising what he called ‘this remarkable novel’, correctly criticized Malraux for ‘excesses of individualism and aesthetic caprice’ and for _his- torically misunderstanding the role of Borodin in China. Mairaux’s Achilles heel ‘Man’s_ Estate’ is, in many ways, his finest novel. Kyo and Katov, two of the central charac- ters, perish because of the refusal of the Stalinist bureaucracy to provide arms for the Chinese Communist Party. In the novel, Stalin’s support for Chiang Kai-shek leads to their tragic and poignantly described deaths. The fictional and historical fate of these two characters are indissolubly linked. ; Yet emotionally, Malraux remains committed to the terror- ist Tchen who is a more philo- sophical successor to Hong, desperate fighter for the oppressed in ‘The Conquerors’. Tchen felt that ‘If he died today, he would die alone. [The workers’] . . . course was clear enough; they were fighting for bread to live on and for recog- nition as human beings. As for him ... apart from their suffer- ings for their common cause, he.

[p086] ANDRE MALRAUX was one of the many writers who, in response to the prolonged post-First World War crisis in capitalism, turned to the working class in the late 1920s and 1930s. From the first, he thrust himself to the centre of the politics of the Communist International, unlike his English counterparts, most of whom continued to live a predominantly literary life. The Auden-Spender group in the 1930s, despite their orienta- tion to the Communist Party, remained a_ literary circle, operating within the confines of the radicalism tolerated by the English bourgeoisie. André Malraux played a different role. Without question he was the most brilliant novelist of his generation in France in the 1920s and 1930s. Between 1925 and 1927 he was in charge of Kuomintang propa- ganda in Canton, put there by Borodin, representative of the Comintern in Spain. In his novel on the Chinese Revolution, ‘The Conquerors’ (1928), Malraux appears as Garine, whom Trotsky charac- terized in an article on the book as ‘a dilettante and temporarily Book review / at centre stage, ,who] gets hope- lessly embroiled in the great events’. In the course of becoming em- broiled—perhaps even confused —by the development of events, Malraux gives a superb sketch- like picture of the rapidly developing revolutionary events during the uprising. Betrayed by the Soviet bureau- cracy, it took the Chinese workers and peasants some 20 years to recover from this crushing reverse. Artistically and politically the question was whether Malraux would learn any lessons. His hero, Garine, who, as a propagandist, is a type of intellec- tual spectator at the heart of events, put his own (and Mal- raux’s) political position like this: ‘I do not consider society bad . . . but I consider it absurd... . The possibility of reforming society is a question which does not interest me. It is not the REVIEW BY DAVID SPOONER ‘DAYS OF HOPE’ Penguin 10s ‘ANTI-MEMOIRS’ Penguin 10s ¢ By ANDRE MALRAUX absence of justice from society that strikes me, but something deeper; my incapacity for ad- hering to any social order what- ever. I am a-social, just as I am a-theist.’ Decisive for Malraux’s develop- ment, for his struggle to break from a coquettishly existentialist individualism, was his relation- ship to Trotsky and Marxism. In his next novel, ‘Man’s Estate’ (‘La Condition Humaine’), published in 1933, he again works over his experiences in the Chinese Revolution and_ the exchange with Trotsky about the ‘The Conquerors’ that took place in the ‘Nouvelle Revue Francaise’ in 1931. Here, as we shall discuss later, Trotsky, while praising what he called ‘this remarkable novel’, correctly criticized Malraux for ‘excesses of individualism and aesthetic caprice’ and for _his- torically misunderstanding the role of Borodin in China. Malraux’s Achilles heel ‘Man’s Estate’ is, in many ways, his finest novel. Kyo and Katov, two of the central charac- ters, perish because of the refusal of the Stalinist bureaucracy to provide arms for the Chinese Communist Party. In the novel, Stalin’s support for Chiang Kai-shek leads to their tragic and poignantly described deaths. The fictional and historical fate of these two characters are indissolubly linked. Yet emotionally, Malraux remains committed to the terror- ist Tchen who is a more philo- sophical successor to Hong, desperate fighter for the oppressed in ‘The Conquerors’. Tchen felt that ‘If he died today, he would die alone. [The workers’] . . . course was clear enough; they were fighting for bread to live on and for recog- nition as human beings. As for him ... apart from their suffer- ings for their common cause, he

[p087] was quite unable even to talk to them.’ Malraux’s idealization of this type of intellectual-anarchist was & his political Achilles-heel. * He romanticizes the petty- bourgeois individualist who com- mits himself to action almost regardless of political con- sequence and totally devoid of theoretical content. . It was this that enabled him to accommodate quite comfortably to Stalinism in the course of the 1930s. By 1934 he was speaking at the Moscow _ Writers’ Congress. His day-to-day relation with Stalinism became more intimate. The Popular Front, developed by the Communist Party after Hitler’s coming to power in 1933, was central to the Soviet bureau- cracy’s need to crush all opposi- tion to Stalin. On the one side a friendly hand was extended to all liberals and even conservatives, while on the other the GPU brutally annihil- ated all opposition under cover of the Moscow frame-ups. In 1937 Trotsky asked Malraux to confirm that they had met at Royan in 1934 as part of his defence against Stalinist allega- tions. Malraux refused. This gross and cowardly poli- tical betrayal went side by side with the most energetic activity on: his part as organizer of the Republican Air Force in Spain in 1936-1937 and in promoting the Popular Front. Malraux’s novel of the Spanish war, ‘Days of Hope’ (L’Espoir), published in 1937, is a supple- ment to his capitulation ‘to Stalinism, brilliantly written though many of its sections are. The Popular Front is glamour- ized by Hollywood-style invoca- tions to fraternity (‘an apocalypse of fraternity’ or ‘the darkness was all fraternity’ [?!)). He strives to amalgamate the Popular Front with the revolu- tion that the Front destroyed. Significantly, there is no mention of the liquidation of opposition- ists by the Communist Party. Intellectuals reflect in highly civilized and_ metaphysical speeches on supposed philo- sophical differences between Communists who ‘want to get ‘things done’ and anarchists ‘who want to be something’. Nothing is seen or heard of the fundamental theoretical and political differences between these groupings. Malraux has always had scant respect for these differences. In 1931 when Trotsky criti- cized Malraux for portraying Borodin in ‘The Conquerors’ as ‘the incarnation of Bolshevism on Chinese soil’, Malraux replied that Borodin as ‘an official of the Communist International’ was, for the French reader, a professional revolutionary. Here was a man who was ‘an Organizer of three insurrectional movements (in England, Spain and China)’. What Malraux, in his worship of the activist, then omitted, partially corrected in ‘Man’s Estate’, and finally ‘forgot’ for good, was that the Borodins were also the revolution’s agents of betrayal in those countries. By the time of writing ‘Days of Hope’ Malraux, despite his ob- session with historical minutiae, has become fundamentally a-historical, looking at the civil war for glimpses of ‘the eternal’. The narrator draws back—in horror — to look down upon ‘man’s little world’, that is the world of the European workers’ and peasants’ titanic struggles for their liberation: ‘Then, as his eyes fell on the graveyard, suddenly, strangely, he was humbled; it was as if those stones and monuments, dead white against the yellow-brown of the fields, made all human conflict seem a vain and tawdry thing.’ Malraux has to artistically stifle the revolutionary struggles that the Stalinists were strangling in practice. Despite these passages of senti- mental nonsense, there are some magnificent sections where Mal- raux catches even if only for a single moment or image, the eagerness with which the working classes seized possession of the great cultural achievements made ‘possible by their own sacrifices. The miliciano, for example, ‘with a 16th century cap set on the back of his head, and a bare tattooed arm’, notes down the contents of the occupied museum. And Malraux can _ superbly ’ recreate the barbarism of the bombing of Madrid by Franco’s and Hitler’s planes; the clanging of the ambulance bells in the midst of the bombing is like the sound of ‘barbaric litanies’ of ‘some far-off prehistoric age’. But these talents are turned to embellishing Popular Front. In fact, Malraux has moved closer, politically, to Sorel and to an openly reactionary cult of apocalyptic activism and violence. Leclerc, after successfully bom- barding a gasometer in national- istic territory experiences ‘that sense of well-being which follows on all physical conflict’ and which merged into ‘an almost now the _geological tranquillity, This reflects Malraux’s by now rapidly developing distaste for the revolutionary movement of the masses. Hence the Civil War in the novel can only appear as a series of fragments, without con- tinuity, impinging momentarily and arbitrarily on the lives of his major characters. In this case, the disjointed episodic nature of the novel expresses Malraux’s inability to allow the Civil War and Revolu- *, Altenburg’ —novel. outside of that which is immedi- the central ately relevant to figures in the novel. The turbulent movement of the Spanish workers is artificially frozen into an aesthetic move- ment. ‘Is there a “style” common to revolution? The figures of the volunteers passing in the dusk behind the Le Courbusier build- ings in the aerodrome brought equally to mind the men of the Mexican revolution and those of the Paris Commune’. All this while the POUM, the Moscow Trials, the political role of the CP remains unmentioned, indeed disguised by this type of high-flown romantic writing. During the Second World War, Malraux became a loyal, not to say tanatical follower of General de Gaulle. He was Minister of Information in his 1945-1946 government and Minister of Culture in the 1958-1969 govern- ment. He turned nationalist (‘I have replaced the proletariat by France’) by way of art, religion and the Communist Party. ‘All art is a revolt against man’s fate’, writes Malraux pom- pously in his turgid ‘Anti- Memoirs’. He maintains that art is an international expression of some ‘human soul’. Without following through here the profoundly historical and class nature of art, we can point out that when one of the outstanding French theatre direc- tors Jean-Louis Barrault, revolted against de Gaulle in May-June 1968, he promptly suffered the - fate of being dismissed by Mal- raux from the Odéon. Indeed, despite all the mystical mumbo-jumbo about eastern art in his ‘Anti-Memoirs’ he stated in January 1969 that the French schools, universities and Comédie Francaise are ‘the necessary pillars through which culture must go’. If the riot police, colons and CS gas are required to hold up these mouldering portals and to keep the students inside, this literary gentleman is by no means deterred. Malraux’s break with Trotsky in the mid-1930s and then his complete break with the working class in 1939 led to artistic paralysis. ‘The Walnut Trees of (1943) was his last Today he writes in a flowery rhetorical prose through which he glorifics imperialism’s bar- barities. Urging on the imperialists to an all-out nuclear war against ‘communism’ he wrote: ‘The European must light him- self with the torch he carries, even if the flames are burning his hands.’ In his later services to the bourgeoisie he has dabbled in the ‘tion a development of its own- most extreme forms of idealism _ Fourth Internatlonal—Winter 1970/71 that capitalism more and more requires to ‘rationalize’ its exist- ence; satanism, mysticism and drugs. He has often misleadingly said that had Trotsky come to power he would have become a Trot- skvist. Perhaps a fitting epitaph on Malraux’s politics is that as Minister of Information in de Gaulle’s post-war government he ordered the suppression of the Trotskyist press. Malraux’s artistic degeneration follows closely his capitulation to the bourgeoisie. What his pay- masters demanded of him was the most flamboyant idealism. But what characterized his early novels was the uneasy balance between the subjective hero and the objective historical world. He plunged his hero, still in the process of formation into the midst of revolutionary up- heavals. Stalinism, though, the ‘excesses of individualism’ (against which Trotsky had warned) and celebrated Malraux as a great anti-theoretical activist. He never made any concession to Marxism and the Communist Party conceded to Malraux. After the war he became a leading anti-Communist. Politically speaking on _ this occasion, aS with many other mis-trained intellectuals, the Stalinists were hoist with their own petard. reinforced

[p088] The Reform or class nature Revolution to T. Whelan’s booklet ‘The ‘International mrrecrcon Workers Press of April 18 and 21, Socialism’ group By Cliff Slaughter PRICE ONE SHILLING Reprinted from the Workers Press of September 10, 11 and 12, 1970. PRICE is 3d post inc. VORORRT RS PRINS” PUMPHT TT An open letter to Joseph Hansen THE AGE OF PERMANENT REVOLUTION A TROTSKY ANTHOLOGY Edited with an introduction by Isaac Deutscher (with the A TROTSKY - assistance of George Novak). Published by Dell Publish- ANTHOLOGY a ing Co. Inc. Distributed in Britain by New Park Publica- tions Ltd. Price 9s. 6d. Orders to: NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD. A concise and invaluable collection of Trotsky’s writings. The theoretical genius of one of the world’s great Marxists and co-leader of the first successful socialist revolution is brilliantly revealed in this book. It is an indispensable addition to the library of all communists who are serious about studying, understanding and grasping the method and programme of contemporary Marxism. NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD 186A CLAPHAM HIGH ST., LONDON, S.W.4 186a Clapham High St., London S.W.4. Telephone 01/662 7029

[p089] ——. ——— <a ar rower Reprinted from the Workers Press of The Ref moe erorm or PRICE 1s 3d class nature Revolution =" to T. Whelan’s booklet ‘The ‘Inter national Reprinted from the CRETE TSO Workers Press of April 18 and 21, An Socialism’ wv estin meas group eee Hansen PRICE ONE SHILLING THE AGE OF PERMANENT REVOLUTION A TROTSKY ANTHOLOGY Edited with an introduction by Isaac Deutscher (with the A TROTSKY assistance of George Novak). Published by Dell Publish- ing Co. Inc. Distributed in Britain by New Park Publica- ANTHOLOGY tions Ltd. Price 9s. 6d. A concise and invaluable collection of Trotsky’s writings. The theoretical genius of one of the world’s great Marxists and co-leader of the first successful socialist revolution is brilliantly revealed in this book. It is an indispensable addition to the library of all communists who are serious about studying, understanding and grasping the method and programme of contemporary Marxism. By Cliff Slaughter Orders to: NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD 186A CLAPHAM HIGH ST., LONDON, S.W.4 NEW PARK PUBLICATIONS LTD. 186a Clapham High St., London S.W.4. Telephone 01/662 7029

[p090] Subscribe to Fourth International FourTH INTERNATIONAL is the theoretical journal of the International Committee of the Fourth Inter- national. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL continues the work of Lasour Review which concluded its 12th year of publication with its issue of Summer 1963, the fifth number of volume 7. FouRTH INTERNATIONAL continues the work and traditions of Revolutionary Communism since the death of Lenin. FourTH INTERNATIONAL represents the unbroken chain of theoretical journals in the Bolshevik tradition, whose continuators were the Left Opposition led and inspired by Leon Trotsky. FourTH INTERNATIONAL follows in the traditions of that Opposition and in the traditions of the Fourth International of Leon Trotsky. FouRTH INTERNATIONAL is the product of decades of continuous struggle of Marxists in the Inter- national Labour movement against Stalinism, Reformism and Revisionism. FourTH INTERNATIONAL represents the successful fusion of Marxist trends in this International Labour movement, from Trotskyist to Com- munist, Social-Democratic and Trade Union moyements. FourTH INTERNATIONAL, with its first issue, com- menced a new period of activity in the Inter- National Labour movement and continues to prepare and equip the Marxist movement for its future intervention in the battles of the working class which promise to eclipse and transcend all previous struggles both in their depth and scope. SS SPSS Be Some writings by Leon Trotsky Germany: 1931-1932 25s. Od. The First Five Years of the Communist International Vol. 2 (soft cover) 12s. 6d. (hard cover) 18s. Od. The New Course 3s. 6d. The Permanent Revolution (soft cover) 15s. Od. (hard cover) 25s. Od. Draft Programme of the Communist International A Criticism of Fundamentals, 1928 Is. Od. Where is Britain Going? 7s. 6d. Whither France? 58. Od. Stalinism and Trotskyism in the USA Is. 6d. Stalinism and Bolshevism 6d. Radio, Science, Technique and Society 1s. OA I Stake My Life! (Dewey report of the Moscow Trials) 6a. The Russian Revolution (The Copenhagen Speech) 4d. Culture and Socialism and Art and Revolution 2s. 6d. Death Agony of Capitalism (Transitional Programme) 1/- The Intelligentsia and Socialism Is. Od. In Defence of Marxism (soft cover) 10s. 6d. (hard cover) 21s. Od. Platform of the Left Opposition 5s. Od. Through What Stage Are We Passing? 2s. Od. Young People Study Politics ls. 9d. The Struggle for State Power (1917) 2s. Od. a) To: New Park Publications Ltd., 186A Clapham High St., London, S.W.4. To: New Park Publications Ltd., I enclose cheque/postal order/money order/ 186A Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 on? . é t pay for I enclose cheque/postal order/money order/ for £ s. d. to pay for issues of FourTH INTERNATIONAL, Volume.... No..... Price 4/- (postage 6d. per issue) [| en ee ee NORIO .020000.cFeupecacveceecetesnsodeceesar et aeeetareads PUUEG OES 1-5 a0 Saltese n'sie's 6.2, «121se-3Riefetininjolp.« eterecae ARATONB cicssccences stsvsasnacesedices contests vcs EE EER a a oS "Printed by Plough Press Ltd. (TU) (7/70) r/o 180 Clapham High Street, SW.

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