Only Trotskyism can prepare for a socialist victory

[p023] 12 Only Trotskyism can prepare for a socialist victory and defend OUR CALL for the return of a Labour government in to- day’s election is in no way a vote of confidence in Wil- son’s reformist leadership. In 1914, the reformist leaders of the, Second Inter- national drove millions of workers into the first im- perialist war to defend the frontiers of the capitalist state. This was reformism in action. , It was only where the break from reformism and nationalism was total — in Russia under the leadership of Lenin’s Bolshevik Party —that the working class seizéd power from the em- ployers and the bankers, and began to lay the foun- dations of socialism. The First World War and the Russian Revolu- tion of 1917 were and remain the parting of the ways between revolution- ary and reformist social- ism. In 1926, the reformist trade union leaders capitu- lated without a fight to the employers and the Tories when they had behind them the largest strike movement in the history of the British working class. Faced with the alterna- tives of-a struggle for power or a return to work on the terms of the employers, they unhésitatingly chose the latter. Reformism is the theory of class-collaboration, which attempts to convince the the working class working class that it shares a common interest with its exploiters. Labourism argues. that capitalism can be changed bit by bit, through a com- bination -of pressure from the trade unions and parlia- mentary legislation. Five years later, the par- liamentary allies of the TUC General Council—the MacDonalds and the Snow- dens — compléted the be- trayal begun in May 1926. SPEARHEAD They joined with the Tories to spearhead the most savage attacks launched on the British working class in this century. That is the treacherous record of British reform- ism between the wars. And when the bureau- cratic group led by Stalin began to develop the nation- alist theory that socialism could be built in Russia without spreading the revo- lution to the industrialized countries of the capitalist world, a néw form of reform- ist thinking arose within the international workers’ movement. The dominance of this theory in the Communist International became an ob- stacle to the development of revolutionary strugglés in the capitalist countries. It subordinated the work- ing class to the nationalist conception that without further revolutions in the capitalist world, socialism could be built in the Soviet Union. This was a_ complete break from the programme of Marx and Lénin, who both insisted that socialism could only triumph on the foundations of planned economy on a world scale. It led directly to tragic defeat in Germany, where the Stalinists combined with the Social Democrats to split the working class and hand it over to Hitlér’s executioners. The Second and Third Internationals had proved themselves bankrupt and capable of organizing only defeats for the working class. Trotsky, who after Lenin’s death had led the fight against the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, issued his call for the Fourth International. Its programme was based not only on the victories of the working class, but a Marxist understanding of all its defeats, suffered under the leadership of the reformists and Stalinists. Since Trotsky’s murder in 1940, Stalinism and re- formism have drawn even more close. Not only in Britain, but in every major capitalist country, the Communist Parties join with the social democrats in advocating the peaceful, parliamentary road to socialism. EXPOSE The more powerful the movement of the working class —- witness the strike battles now erupting in every European capitalist country from Italy and Scandinavia to Britain and France —the further the Stalinists move to the right, even to the extent of strike-breaking on behalf of the fascist regime in Spain. Their role is the preservation of ‘peaceful co-existence’ between im- perialism and the working class, in the interests of the parasitic Soviet bureau- cracy. The Labourites on the other hand serve directly the interests of the ruling class in Britain. The main task there- fore is to expose the role of reformism in the workers’ movement, what- ever form it takes. Reformism still serves as the main support of capital- ist rule within the British workers’ movement. The struggle for revolu- tionary policies and leader- ship, and in defence of trade union rights and living standards, can only go forward by encouraging the working class to test out the reactionary role of reformism, all the time building the revolutionary alternative leadership in in the trade unions and the youth. This has been our policy as Trotskyists both before and after Wilson came to power in 1964. That is why we _ have placed at the centre of the election campaign the pre- paration of the revolution- ary alternative to reformism, which is the Socialist Labour League, together with the Young Socialists and the All Trades Unions Alliance. A Labour vote today, on this policy and with this perspective, is a necessary part of the struggle to defeat reformism and build the revolutionary party. Fourth International. Winter 1970/71

[p024] 12 Only Trotskyism can prepare for a socialist victory and defend OUR CALL for the return of a Labour government in _ to- day’s election is in no way a vote of confidence in Wil- son’s reformist leadership. In 1914, the reformist leaders of the Second Inter- national drove millions of workers into the first im- perialist war to defend the frontiers of the capitalist state. This was reformism in action. It was only where the break from reformism and nationalism was total—in Russia under the leadership of Lenin’s Bolshevik Party —that the working class seizéd power from the em- ployers and the bankers, and began to lay the foun- dations of socialism. The First World War and the Russian Revolu- tion of 1917 were and remain the parting of the ways between revolution- ary and reformist social- ism. In 1926, the reformist trade union leaders capitu- lated without a fight to the employers and the Tories when they had behind them the largest strike movement in the history of the British working class. Faced with the alterna- tives of-a struggle for power or a return to work on the terms of the employers, they unhésitatingly chose the latter. Reformism is the theory of class-collaboration, which attempts to convince the the working class working class that it shares a common interest with its exploiters. Labourism argues. that capitalism can be changed bit by bit, through a com- bination of pressure from the trade unions and parlia- mentary legislation. Five years later, the par- liamentary allies of the TUC General Council—the MacDonalds and the Snow- dens —compléted the be- trayal begun in May 1926. SPEARHEAD They joined with the Tories to spearhead the most savage attacks launched on the British working class in this century. That is the treacherous record of British reform- ism between the wars. And when the _ bureau- cratic group led by Stalin began to develop the nation- alist theory that socialism could be built in Russia without spreading the revo- lution to the industrialized countries of the capitalist world, a néw form of reform- ist thinking arose within the international workers’ movement. The dominance of this theory in the Communist International became an ob- stacle to the development of revolutionary strugglés in the capitalist countries. It subordinated the work- ing class to the nationalist conception that without further revolutions in the capitalist world, socialism could be built in the Soviet Union. This was a_ complete break from the programme of Marx and Lenin, who both insisted that socialism could only triumph on the foundations of planned economy on a world scale. It led directly to tragic defeat in Germany, where the Stalinists combined with the Social Democrats to split the working class . and hand it over to Hitlér’s executioners. The Second and Third Internationals had proved themselves bankrupt and capable of organizing only defeats for the working class. Trotsky, who after Lenin’s death had led the fight against the Stalinist bureaucracy in the Soviet Union, issued his call for the Fourth International. Its programme was based not only on the victories of the working class, but a Marxist understanding of all its defeats, suffered under the leadership of the reformists and Stalinists. Since Trotsky’s murder in 1940, Stalinism and re- formism have drawn even more close. Not only in Britain, but in every major capitalist country, the Communist Parties join with the social democrats in advocating the peaceful, parliamentary road to socialism. EXPOSE The more powerful the movement of the working class — witness the strike battles now erupting in every European capitalist country from Italy and Scandinavia to Britain and France —the further the Stalinists move to the right, even to the extent of strike-breaking on _ behalf of the fascist regime in Spain. Their role is the preservation of ‘peaceful co-existence’ between im- perialism and the working class, in the interests of the parasitic Soviet bureau- cracy. The Labourites on the other hand serve directly the interests of the ruling class in Britain. The main task there- fore is to expose the role of reformism in the workers’ movement, what- ever form it takes. Reformism still serves as the main support of capital- ist rule within the British workers’ movement. The struggle for revolu- tionary policies and leader- ship, and in defence of trade union rights and living standards, can only go forward by encouraging the working class to test out the reactionary role of reformism, all the time building the revolutionary alternative leadership’ in in the trade unions and the youth. This has been our policy as Trotskyists both before and after Wilson came to power in 1964. That is why we _ have placed at the centre of the election campaign the pre- paration of the revolution- ary alternative to reformism, which is the Socialist Labour League, together with the Young Socialists and the All Trades Unions Alliance. A Labour vote today, on this policy and with this perspective, is a necessary part of the struggle to defeat reformism and build the revolutionary party. Fourth International. Winter 1970/71