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The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

A Victory of the Working Class

Der Funke (1.12.72).

Fourth International, vol. 8 no. 2, Spring 1973 · scan page 30

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[p030] A victory of the working class THE RESULT of the general election on November 19, 1972 marks the beginning of a class- situation which has changed completely. By making the SPD the strongest party in the Federal Parliament the working class has thwarted the reactionary plans of the capitalists repre- sented by Strauss and Barzel. This victory of the working class is of historical importance. The class-consciousness of the working class and its con- fidence in its strength to defeat the capitalists has grown -enormously. Strengthened during the boom overiod the working class is confident that it can get what it is fighting for. But there is also a deep con- tradiction connected with this election. The international crisis of the capitalist system does not allow a retreat before the de- mands of the working class. The revaluation of the mark has much worsened the export con- ditions of the German economy. The war of the US against the Common Market, and the con- ditions imposed upon the imports _to the US by Nixon, are con- _tinuously sharpening up the situ- ation on the world market. The capitalists try to keep up their profits by an attack on wages, by restricting production and by in- vesting in foreign countries. Thus an enormous contradiction exists between the expectations of the working class and the capitalist crisis. Already during the election campaigns and immediately after the victory of the Social Demo- crats the capitalists dictated the terms for ‘the programme of the government: 1. After the election the ‘con- certed action’ (pay board) has to be called immediately to work out guide lines for wages. 2. If necessary wages have to be lowered by the pressure of un- employment through applying the ‘stability law’ and by giving the Bundesbank the right to defla- tionary measures. 3. Reforms must not be intro- duced. 4. There ought to be tax increases on wages and on top of that a 100 per cent addition to the wage tax is being con- sidered, which will not be re- paid. 5. Measures of trade war have to be taken for instance by apply- ing the law for foreign trade. Since the capitalists did not succeed in bringing Strauss to power they put as much pressure on the SPD as: they could. They will put emphasis on their politi- cal demands by economic mea- sures—from price increases to redundancies. Thus they want to enforce wage cuts in the present pay negotiations in the engineer- ing industry, to bring down the wages of all workers. Because of these pressures the Brandt government will go very much to the right. DOCUMENTS: Trotskyism and the West German election 1972 The Free Democrats (FDP) will play a special role in this gov- ernment by enforcing capitalist policies. They went into the elec- tions with the slogan that they were the guarantee that this gov- ernment would not become a socialist one. Genscher, hitherto Minister of the Interior, who brought in the measures for ‘in- ternal security’, again gave evi- dence of his hostility to the working cl-ss. In a discussion on TV before the elections he de- clared that he supported a special additional wage tax, which would not be refunded. The demand of the FDP to get the Ministry of Economics is in, line with the interest of the capi- talists to impose a course which is hostile to the workers. Brandt does not oppose the demands of the capitalists. On the contrary, he is prepared for all sorts of collaboration. He even offered his co-operation to the CDU/CSU, which in no way abandons its aim to topple the Social Democrats. This can only mean _ that Brandt is prepared to meet the demands of the capitalists. For Brandt is a reformist and thus he places the preservation of capitalism before the interests of the working class. He starts from the necessities of the capi- talist market economy and there- fore has nothing to put against the programme of action of the capitalists. This is a great danger for the working class, for the capitalists very consciously will take advan- tage of thé ‘weakness and the readiness for compromise of the a N

[p031] leadership, to inflict a defeat on the working class. This completely changed situa- tion puts new tasks in front of the working class. It must reject every attack of the capitalists. Every retreat, every compromise conditionally strengthens the em- ployers and will result immedi- ately in new and bigger attacks on the working class. It is necessary that all colla- boration with the capitalists ends. The working class must force the SPD to throw the FDP out of the government. An exclusively SPD government must be formed resting on the workers mobilized by the trade unions, which will carry out a Socialist programme against the capitalist crisis. All the gains of the post-war period must be defended Boycott the ‘concerted action’ (pay board) No stability pact Full wage rises No tax increases or special addi- tional taxes Full pay for short-time work. Not. a single job must be given up No sackings All factories which are threat- ened by closure must be nation- alized without compensation and under workers’ control Against inflation Automatic wage rises corres- ponding to price increases No top level talks between trade unions and employers Struggle to defeat the employers Workers, watch your leadership! Fight for building the League of Socialist Workers as the German section of the International Com- mittee of the Fourth Interna- tional. It is the only organization organizing the struggle to realize this programme. New Edition What Is 3 Spartacist? Aware. 95° by Tim Wohlforth This second edition, with a new introduction by Tim Wohlforth, contains vital material on the struggle for perspectives within the Socialist Workers Party in the 1960s and the Spar- tacist League’s refusal to carry out that fight as part of the international move- ment. This pamphlet is es- sential in the new period for an understanding of _the dangerous role of pragmatism and radicalism in the labor movement. . Bulletin amon Series - Available From: Labor Publications 135 West 14th Sf. New York, N.Y. 10011

[p032] wrnationaie suCcnt wede7, nocn errndet sie Aliheumittel. ‘Anbangern und ©. mit Tocres seltet zu vechand LOCKERS Sue basiort vollstindig auf dem Marxismus als der einzi Anhinger und ~ mit Torres scitet zu verhandela, Das Ein Schia Noch einmal: Warum MIT dem Wahlergebnis hat die Arbeiter- Klasse den Revisionisten und Stalinisten, die entweder zur Wahl der DKP oder zum Wahiboykott aufriefen, eine saftige Ohr- feige versetzt. Sie hat den Anschlag der Kapitalisten, Strauf an die Macht zu brin- gen mit einem arbeiterfeindlichen Pro- gramm, durch die Wahi der SPD zurickge- schlagen und sich mit 91 % an der Wahl be- teiligt. Die arrogante kleinbiirgerliche Gruppe Spartacus/BL, die sich falschlicherweise als trotzkistisch bezeichnet, begriindete thre ins Gesicht ag PD gewahit haben Alternative zur SPD sei und triigt in die Ar- beiterklasse die Ilusion, dai die Stalinisten weniger konterrevolutionir als die Sozial- demokraten seien, die “tinken” reformi- stischen Phrasen der DKP, die sie sich er- laubt, weil sie nicht die Féhrang der Ar- beiterkiasse in Deutschland ist, werden gegen die reformistischen Phrasen der SPD ausgespielt. Denn nichts als Reformismus sind die‘Arbeiterforderungen’ des DKP und ist das ‘Arbeiterprogramm’ derSpartacus/BL Beide gehen von einer falschen und ober- sehen, aber nicht, worden sind. Unterstitzung fir die DKP mit den Arbei- flichlichen Einschétzung der Epoche sus, terfarderinaen die diew Partai fiir den im dar ane lahkan Cente in ainae Dacinda Ann

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