THE EMPLOYERS' TOP MAN

TV REVIEW BY The television cameras nized 'with the which followed Con- top level. federation of British In- not going to ask crudely for dustry (CBI) director- more of the CBI's views to be put across in the Press and general Mr. W. O.

Campbell Adamson to them that the country was around for a day last not getting a sufficient amount of information about business autumn had to miss the interests. best bits because they were not allowed in. panies making bigger profits was one point that had to be The programme-BBC l's got across, Adamson said. 'One Day in the Life' on Mon- And he reported that there day—was one of the best 'We are getting a lot of feedadverts for ending secret political intrigues and publishing back'-an appropriate remark all the records of government- after a round of lavish big business conspiracies dinners. against the working class.

sary to corrupt the bourgeois Adamson was first of all Press and television. closeted with Sir Douglas Allen of the Treasury. Then marked: with British Steel Corporation boss Lord Melchett. The subject both times was: what can what he will do unbribed.' we put across the trade union leaders in the coming tripartite talks at Chequers?

The cameras were excluded because the talks were 'con- ran: fidential'.

One good point did emerge from Adamson's day. The importance to the ruling class of manipulating the news. unions.

All day long, full-time staff worked on the problem of how to get maximum publicity perity, and profits. effect for another bit of union-bashing on the subject industrialists' political lobby of 'violent picketing'.

And to cultivate news- steering a middle course when papermen, the director-general announced two or three small dinner parties he had orga- ing a historic offensive on all democratic rights, aided • by the CBI, to drive down wages.

He explained that he was Adamson's background public school and Oxbridgecame over continually, nowhere more pointedly than TV. He would merely put it when he was commenting patronizingly on the dilemmas facing the trade union bureaucrats who readily act as doormats for the ruling class to The importance of com- walk over.

'We sympathize with the union leaders' problems,' said the big man. "They are looking for moderation, but they are was already a good response. faced with demands for militancy from the rank and file following the strike, success of the miners' The class-collaboration that Not that it is all that neces- goes on at the top-behind closed doors-bet we e n bureaucrats and capitalists As Lytton Strachey re- was implicit in this concern to help union leaders out.

'Why bother bribing the But the, overall picture is British journalist, considering far from a happy one for the ruling class at this time of An excellent example of growing economic and polithis came right in the opening tical crisis. The cracks, strains lines of the commentary, and weaknesses are showing which, roughly paraphrased, through more and more as their capitalist system disIn the current industrial integrates. turmoil, the trade unionists Adamson may still have two blame the industrialists and fivers to pull casually out of the industrialists blame the his jacket pocket to give to the chauffeur to go and buy 'Here's Campbell Adamson a new shirt (he didn't have a seeking a middle-road, seeking clean one in the office to put a way to get peace, pros- on).

But as a class, the British The organizer of the British capitalists are being squeezed mercilessly between intercan hardly be regarded as national competitors on the one hand and the British worthe political party of British king class on the other. capitalism, the Tories, is mak- The frantic attempts to "sell' their cause to the public -to be allowed to make more profitsshowed how d sperate they are getting.

The industry leaders may still imbibe the wine over lunch and recall fondly their public school days, but right in the middle of the picture is Dr Barry Bracewell-Milnes, economics director, now sacked because of the serious split in the ranks over anti-inflation policies.

The divisions in the ruling class about how to deal with the unbroken strength of the working class were also hinted at in Adamson's remark about the parliamentary wing of the bourgeoisie.

'Parliament is still there, I suppose?' he said, making a comment about the apparent untameability of the shop stewards' movement.

*They're there, but their speeches are not reaching people,' his president Michael Clapham (ICI) replied.

'They make such poor speeches,' commented Michael King, chief Press officer, and son of the eminent diarist Cecil Harmsworth King.

The ruling class is, in fact, preparing to dispense with parliament as part of the need to crush all democratic rights in order to settle accounts with the working class. Only in this way can profits be maintained to fight the great trade war successfully.

It was, perhaps, significant that Campbell Adamson asked for a plain white shirt without frills. The ruling class is getting down to the serious business of winning the class war, if it can. 'With the dispute in gas this could explode and become a serious situation.

At the Chatsworth Round Table, where young executives gathered, opinion was verbally far less unanimous.

But although about half th ose interviewed disclosed that they thought Phase Two unfair, on a vote as to who backed Heath most hands went up. A local employer described the policy as "rough justice'.

Yet in the studio discussion, Reginald Prentice, the 'Opposition' shadow of the Employment Secretary, crawled to Tory Consumer Affairs Minister, Sir Geoffrey Howe.

Most workers would reject a General Strike, he said. With the Labour Party they would accept the view that change should be through the ballot box. There could be unity between the parties on restraint if VAT and compulsory rent increases were withdrawn.

Sir Geoffrey Howe.

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