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young engineering worker, Swindon, and member of YS National Committee:

I WOULD normally vote Labour because the Labour Party is the political face of the mass of the working class organized in the trade unions, and revolutionaries must take the worker through the experience of the betrayal of traditional reformist organizations.

It is most important to fight in the working class to vote against the Tories, even after a whole series of betrayals by the Wilson government.

The bosses' crisis forces them to carry out whole attacks on the organizations of the working class.

Under these •conditions the bosses need a Tory government to keep the power of government decisions firmly in their hands.

The returning of a Labour government would be a great victory for the workers in these conditions, for Labourites would be forced • by the bosses to try to carry out their policies, but it would be impossible for the Labourites to use all the power of the state against the working class in the same way as the Tories.

In trying to do so it would create conditions where whole sections of workers would be won from reformism to revolutionary politics.

This is why I am voting Labour and why I shall be fighting in my factory to get all the young workers voting for the first time this year to do likewise.

Apprentice aircraft designer from Southall, London:

I WILL • be voting for Labour because I think that to keep the Tories out is the main task before all working youth in this General Election. keep the Tories out, the YS is not glossing over the lies and treachery of the Wilson government and 'lefts' in the Labour JOHN BURKE Party, but is using this campaign to show that the immediate danger to the working class is the return of a Tory governThe Young Socialists urge all young voters who are voting perhaps for the first time in the forthcoming election to vote Labour, as part of keeping the Tories out, and of building a new leadership for the working class.

SIMON CALDWELL.

Works in Cold Mill at Port Talbot Steel Works and is a member of YS National Committee for South I THINK we must have a really big turn-out in the coming election for a Labour vote.

This would be an important measure to defeat the Tories and prevent them carrying out their plans to attack the working class.

Everything which has been won by workers over recent years; wages, strong trade union organization etc, could be lost if the Tories were to succeed in smashing the unions, creating big unemployment and cutting wages.

Despite Wilson's anti-workingI believe that students have a seful role to play in supportng the working class through a ONE OF the many colour bars introduced into Rhodesia by Britain, long before Smith, was the system of school fees.

By 1960 not only was Britain spending £103 a year each white' educand (compared with f8 per African educand in South Rhodesia, £9 in North Rhodesia and £3 in Nyasaland), but fees constituted an almost insuperable barrier.

'British hypocrisy'

This barrier affected only the African since the 'white' parents' income was invariably subsidized by the super-profits made by cheap African labour. The fees system was a colour bar in but name--an absolutely typical example of 'British hypocrisy'.

Like the S Atrican government, the British government claimed that African education was a burden on the British tax-payer. This was the old story of 'white decaying society. My job in the coming weeks will be to persuade my fellow students to vote Labour on this basis. man's burden'-the burden of the packhorse on the rider.

The fact is that the British taxpayer in S Rhodesia and in Britain contributed not a penny to African education, but had his own education and much more besides subsidized by superprofits sweated out of cheap colonial labour, including that in S Rhodesia.

Nor did the situation change after 'independence' for Malawi, Zambia and other semi-colonies of British imperialism.

Myth

The myth of the British taxpayer was and remains one of 'the deceptions of the people'.

In reality the children of the African workers and peasants were starved of education by Britain.

Part of this starvation consisted of the system of missionary schools and of segregated educaAnother part consisted of the colour discrimination in educational expenditure between white and non-white educands.

Yet another part was the fees system. These fees ranged from £3. to £60 a year for Africans Radium The atomic numbers in each atom.

A typical class room for Africans in South Africa.

and this, in turn, was the equivalent of from one month's to several years' income for 99 per cent of the African people.

Not only were such fees of little consequence to white parents, because of their earnings, which are subsidized by African labour, but, in addition, no fees at all had to be paid by whites, who received a subsidy for their education from Britain.

Britain, in turn, got subsidy out created by toiling for S Rhodesia. numbers are the number of electron of the super-profits cheap African labour British companies in Difficulty Whereas white children had no difficulty in entering high schools, at one college alone there were 16 applicants for • one place. -The colour discrimination of the British state was well illustrated in 1962 when the British government gave its S Rhodesian regime a loan of £3.5 million, of which £200,000 (about 6 per cent) was earmarked for African Repay 'gesture' was worth exactly 2s per African child of choolgoing age. To repay this oan the African worker had to refund to Britain 30 times what The 'civilizing influence' of British rule in Rhodesia was no different from that of Smith's dictatorship.

The British claimed that by 1953 there were 263,223 in school and that by 1962 this figure had risen to 600,000, including 60,000 European children.

All European children were educated, compared with a third of the African children.

But while the European children spent a full span at school, African children who did go to school spent a short period in school before being 'spewed anto the labour market' by British rule. (This phrase was commonly Teachers League of S Africa, a used the anti-apartheid non-racial teachers' union.)

While the European child was taught in modern, over-staffed institutions, the 16,243 African teachers (1963 figures) taught in overcrowded, inferior, segregated schools, including 662 'farm schools' (child labour camps).

School career

Out of a total of some 3,300 schools, 58 were secondary schools, holding 6,000 pupils.

In 1964 75 per cent of all European children reached form IV, compared with 5 per cent of African children in S Rhodesia, Zambia and Malawi.

The average length of a school career for those Africans who entered schools at all was less than two years.

Out of 80,000 African children entering the British mission schools in S Rhodesia only 15 reached form IV. (In Zambia the figure was 28 out of 28,000 i.e., one in a thousand.)

In the British semi-colony of Malawi, the British 'civilizing influence' was such that by 1960 only 80 Africans emerged out of the secondary schools. (The Malawi Minister of Education, Chiume, set a target of 1,000 for 965, to overcome the backwardless introduced by British rule in Nyasaland.)

for all practical purposes the British state and churches introduced almost no educational system for the African children in S Rhodesia and what they did introduce was starved and segregated. Smith could not conceivably have done 'worse'.

'Protested'

His regime thus has a longstanding common denominator with the Roman Catholic and other missions who recently 'protested' against the effects of the latest Land Bill and then entered into 'talks' with Smith.

What they were protesting against was not the effects of this or any other law on the Africans, but on themselves-that is, on their 'freedom' to continue to administer and control the system of educational and 'health' starvation and segregation which these missionaries have introduced and operated ever since they came to S Rhodesia.

As the Mau Mau general, Dedan Kimathi, was to say before he was executed by the British in Kenya:

'Before the coming of the missionaries, we had the land and they had the bible-now we have the bible and they have the land.' It is for this reason that in S Rhodesia, as elsewhere in British Africa, the struggle against the biblebearers necessarily plays such a vital part in the anti-imperialist movement.

IN THE first of a series in 'The Guardian' explaining the relationship of the three major parties to the new electorate, Peter Fiddick wrote on Monday on the Labour Party's obvious PAGE FOUR Thursday, May 28, 1970