Revolution

LIKE THE 1850s, the 1880s marked a decisive Some pi es from the history turning point in the de- working class velopment of the working class in Britain. Like all great 'turning points' it was marked by the entry of completely new NEW masses into politics.

These years saw the growth of a new type of trade union which deliberately set out to organize the masses of semiUNIONISM® skilled and unskilled workers who had remained completely outside the scope of the trade unionism that developed after 1850, based as it was upon the narrow sectional interests of the 'aristocracy of labour'.

Just as the Chartist movement had been able to draw into its ranks all those excluded in the radical' politics which preceeded it, so now unions catering specifically for dockers, gas LABOUR workers, shopworkers, farm labourers and so on were either created or rapidly expanded.

These changes were powerful enough to provoke a crisis in the ranks of the 'old' trade inions and to be largely instru nental in leading to the crea tion, at the beginning of the 20th century, of a Labour Panty to represent the independent interests of the working class.

Engels, reviewing the great changes which had taken place in the movement since the emergence of Chartism, outlines the impact which the 'new unionism' created and the revival of socialist ideas that went along with it.

The people are now putting their shoulders to the wheel in John Burns quite a different way, they are drawing far greater masses into the struggle, shaking up society far more profoundly, and putting forward much nore far reaching demands:

he eight-hour day, a general federation of all organizations, and complete solidarity...

'Moreover the people look upon their immediate demands themselves as only provisional, although they themselves do not yet know toward what final goal they are working.

'But this vague idea is strongly enough rooted in them to make them elect as leaders only openly declared Socialists.

Like everyone else, they must learn from their own experiences, from thir own mistakes.

But since, unlike the old trade unions, they greet every suggestion of the identity of interest between capital and labour with scornful laughter, this will not take very long..

These changes in the labour movement were made possible by deepgoing changes in the economic and social structure of British capitalism. These were the years in which Britain's pre-eminence as the 'workshop of the world' was lost as Germany, America and later Japan began to challenge her in world markets. Will Thorne In part, this challenge was met by the British ruling class aristocracy' in through the resort to commer- 1850. cial activities which made London the main financial These technical changes, centre of the world and ster- which led to a rapid expansion of jobs for semi-skilled, and unling its main currency.

But it also made necessary skilled labour, were accomtechnical changes in industry panied by rising unemployment which began to undermine the after 1880 which gave great position of that layer of skilled significance to the fight for the workers who had previously eight-hour day. formed the core of the 'labour It would be wrong, however, I would like information about British Mann Keir Hardie to see this period as one of rowing poverty for the work. despite unemployment, thanks to steadily falling prices, living standards were probably on the increase for large sections of workers down to the beginning of the new century.

The 'New Model' unions which had emerged after the defeat of Chartism, were, by this period, in a moribund state.

Losing members at an alarming rate, they were rapidly degenerating into little more NGINL CRS & CONTRACTORS goal they are working. SOUTH SIDE SAYES COURT, DEPTFORD.

SEPTEMBER 10, 1889.

ENGELS.

One of the great dockers' march in 1889 organized by John Burns