US CAPITALISM WEEKEND TELEVISION

VIEINAM AND THE SPLIT in the American ruling class over the US economy and Vietnam war is creating very favourable conditions for breaking the working class from the two capitalist parties.

The 'Vietnam Moratorium' hit Nixon really hard and forced those sections of the ruling class opposed to a continuation of the war to speak out more loudly than they have ever done before.

The same open conflict, again provoked by pressure from the working class and the world crisis of imperialism, is developing over the problems of the US economy.

While Paul McCracken (chairman of Nixon's Council of Economic advisers) advocates the continuation of the government's present deflationary measures, the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, McChesney Martin, recently stated that 'there are indications that we may be getting to the end'.

This optimistic tone was countered within days by McCracken's remark that 'evidence obviously does not add up to an end of our inflationary problems' TWO VIEWS Two different views are clearly being expressed hereand both by leading members of the US ruling class.

Nixon has the problem of attempting to resolve these conflicts and devise a strategy This is what faces him in Vietnam, and it now confronts him with growing force at home.

His radio broadcast on Sunday gave a few pointers to the direction in which his government is moving when he warned that 'we [meaning the working class, and not the residents of the White House] are going to experience some "slowing pains", He none the less OVER POLICY as a 'healthy development' in which 'unfortunately some industries and some individuals will feel this necessary adjustment more than others'.

These adjustments' are inflation, wage control, the sack, speed up and the threat of large-scale recession if the working class does not toe the line.

SPOKE BLUNTLY Nixon is fully aware of the smouldering discontent in the Us working class.

Nevertheless, he spoke bluntly on the question of sackings admits keep t although close watch on the level of unemployment', the number of those with jobs could not be increased:

'We cannot effectively and fairly make it more by ignoring the widespread hardship that a run-away cost of living imposes on so many Americans.' Nixon is saying here that either way, attacks on the working class are coming up. Either more unemployment, or more inflation-and with it, a reduction in the purchasing power of the employed workers' wages.

The conflict still rages, both within the government and the ruling class as a whole, over Vietnam and the economy.

That these differences have become public reflects the basic instability of the US economy and the unease in the ruling class of its future both in the US and overseas.

BIG OPPORTUNITY With the bankers, politicians, employers and Generals all at loggerheads, an unprecedented opportunity now opens up for building the revolutionary party, the Workers' League of America, and establishing the US labour party based on the trade unions. vasey lin in stand. 6.05 6.15 6.45 7.30 8.15 10.00 10.10 11.10 11.50 7.00 7.15 7.30 8.15 9.05 10.00 10.45 11.25 11.50 11.55 10.00 a.m. Repondez S'il Vous Plait. 10.30-11.00 Wie Bitte? 12 Weatherman. 12.05 p.m. jones. Ic.co unanne unap- 1225 Charlio Chan'The Rink'. : 12.45 Grand5.15 Star Trek.

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Braden's Week.

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Midnight Movle:

Trial'. HUSAK REPORT CONCEALS THE TRUTH By Tom Kemp THE LENGTHY report made by Gustav Husak, first secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, to its Central Committee on September 25 blamed 'antisocialist and right-wing forces' for the events of 1968.

The claim that 'an active nucleus' of the Party is now behind the policy of the Central Committee in its acceptance of Moscow's diktat is an indication that it still meets with stubborn resistance from Czech workers.

Husak went through the now familiar official account of the causes of the 1968 crisis following the fall of the Novotny leadership.

He blamed it for 'covering up its shortcomings by bureaucratic methods of Party and state leadership and by naked administrative interference' He was unable to explain what happened from January 1968 or why, after 20 years, 'anti-socialist and right-wing forces' were able to come to the fore.

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7.00 p.m. News Review, Weather. 7.25 Bird's Eye View. All vestiges of Dubcek's 'liberalization' disappear. as the Czech Stalinists visit Moscow to approve the August 1968 invasion by the Warsaw Pact to right are seen Kosygin, the Soviet Prime Minister; Cernik, the Czechoslovak Prime Minister; President Svoboda of Czechoslovakia; Brezhnev, the Husak, the Czechoslovak Party leader; and President Podgorny of the Soviet Union. avoid the admission that the Czech working class was on the move, that it was its pressure on Dubcek, and not forces seeking to return the country to capitalism, that brought about the situation which led to the military intervention by the Warsaw Pact countries on August 21, 1968.

It was not a question of restoring capitalism, but the first steps of the political revolution against the bureaucracy, beginning with its most objectionable representatives, led by Novotny, whom even Husak does not try to defend.

FAIRY

The fairy story that Party, and the state were astray' by 'right-wing anti-socialist forces' does bear examination.

There followed a series of accusations against Dubcek, especially charging him with concealing from the Party communications from the leadership of the Soviet Communist Party and refusing to attend the June conference of the Warsaw Pact countries.

Dubcek probably feared that at this meeting the Czechs would be brow-beaten into accepting conformity with the demands of Moscow.

At its meeting on July 19, 1968, Dubcek justified 6.15 6.35 7.00 7.25 10.10 10.20 11.20 12.05 All Creatures Great and Small.

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ceased). 'The Lady Is A Square' star. ring Anna Neagle, Frankie Vaughan and Janette Scott. News From ITN.

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Tonight With David Nixon. a.m. Medicine In Question. position by claiming that the country was in no danger from counter-revolution.

The decision to approve this stand has now been rescinded. As Husak put it, 'if our Party policy had been conducted in a more responsible way, it would have been possible to avoid the entry of troops into our territory.

In other words, if the Dubcek leadership had capitulated right away, the invasion ot August 21, 1960, may not have been necessary!

But Dubcek had very little choice. Not because he was a prisoner of 'anti-socialist and right-wing forces'. , but because the Czech working class, including the majority of Communist Party members, were on the move against the subservience of the bureaucracy to Moscow.

OPPOSED

INVASION Responding to this pressure, the presidium of the Czech Communist Party, which had been in session since the previous day, passed a resolution opposing the military intervention of the Warsaw Pact countries on August 21.

Husak called for the rescinding of this and all other resolutions passed in Czechoslovakia critical of the entry of Warsaw Pact troops.

This resolution is declared to be 'in its main part nonclass and non-Marxist in character, fundamentally wrong and injurious in its political consequences for our Party, our people and our state'.

In obedience to Moscow's demands, Husak tries to pass off the events of 1968 as part of a conspiracy in which the mass media were in the hands of people favouring the restoration of capitalism and 'the entire Party and people' were disoriented.

How does he explain situation 21 years after establishment of 'Peoples' mocracy' ?

There is, of course, no explanation of how the 'rightwing and anti-socialist forces' could have remained strong through this time and be in a position so to disorganize the Party and the state that only military intervention could save the situation.

There is no explanation either of how it is that only 'a healthy nucleus' of the Communist Party supports the present policy imposed by Moscow and believes that the account which Husak gives of the events of 1968 is correct.

His attempt to discredit those Communist Party members in Prague who convened the 'extra-ordinary 14th Congress' of the Party and held it LENIN CH TO THEI :80V GREGO NOVE in secret under the protection of factory workers will fail.

Husak equates "right-wing' with any criticism of Moscow or of bureaucratic methods, any striving for national self-determination or freedom of expression, any return to the canons of Leninism.

NOVOTNY

NOSTALGIA This double-talk, demanded by Moscow, will be acceptable to the members of the Czech bureaucracy who look back with aversion to the troubled times of the past two years and are nostalgic for the Novotny regime.

The return to stability required a break with Dubcek's wavering position and the snatching back of all the gains made by the workers, intellectuals and youth in 1968.

Husak's speech indicates a willingness to carry through a relentless purge in the party and all spheres of Czechoslovak life.

The expulsions from the Central Committee are only part of the drive to restore Stalinism in its full panoply. The threat to rid the Communist Party and other organizations of opportunist influences' can only mean a tightening up of repressive measures all along the line.

Although Husak speaks LENIN: Speech to the Petrograd Soviet, 1918 3s. Od.

By G. Zinoviev Illustrated with many photographs, this was a speech delivered by. one : af. Lenin's closest associates on the occasion of his recovery from wounds received in an attempt on his life. It gives a remarkably clear picture of Lenin and what is required to be a revolutionary.

tough, with the weight of Soviet military power behind him, his tones are not those of a confident man.

The very fact that he admits that the policy he represents is only supported by a minority of Communists, and that the leading role' of the Party still has to be restored, shows the extent of the resistance on the part of the working class which remains to be overcome.

Czechoslovakia faces serious economic problems and Husak is forced to admit that 'the main negative tendencies and cases of imbalance in the national economy have not yet been overcome'.

By their.. passive resistance and go-slow tactics Czech workers are making their weight felt here too.

Foreign Communist Parties which condemned the intervention of August 21, 1960, are put on the spot by the final disgrace of Dubcek and the rescinding of the August statements of the Czech Communist If they maintain that they were right, then they should come out and say openly that they disagree with Husak's explanations.

If they want to change their minds they should also indicate what 'opportunist influences' led them astray into supporting 'anti-socialist and rightwing forces'.

PAGE FOUR WORKERS' PRESS Saturday,