3 The Second World War: The Big Three' by Robert Black
By Robert Black
1969Robert BlackCommunist Party and StalinismSoviet Union Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
Union against Nazi Germany was a progressive war, a war which every class-conworker, every communist and socialist wished to see the Soviet Union as the victor.
the Fourth internationard by y all British Trotskyists.
he real essence of th question was never should the Union defended, but how best to defend it against aggression.
international working class, fighting as a class on an international scale, could provide the forces to crush imperialist attacks on the Soviet Union.
That does not, of course, ule out alliances or pact capitalist states vhen Lenin undertook such olicy, the diplomacy of th Soviet Sonate to the world reubl The 1922 treaty with Germany did not prevent the Inpreparing the German Revolution, even anti-Soviet imperialist front Workers first Lenin valued his 'treaty' with the German working class and the German section of the Communist International far higher than the Red Army's 'understanding' with the Prussian General Staff.
That was the way of Lenin and Trotsky: always the working class first, and then on a world, and not a national scale.
We shall _prove from the writings of the Stalinists themselves that the British Communist Party did not put the Soviet Union first when it It served firstly the interests of British imperialism, and through it, the Kremlin, not the Soviet Union.
And we shall also prove that in supporting Churchill's call for 'unconditional surrender', the British Stalinists made even more difficult the terrible task of revolutionaries and anti-fascists in Germany.
What had the British Communist Party to say about Churchill and his class before June 22, 1941?:
October 7, 1939: "The struggle of the British people against the Chamberlains and Churchills is the best help to the struggle of the Germans against 1 Hitler.' (CP Manifesto.)
ne, 1940: 'And it is a measure of this bankruptcy that no alternative could be found save to plunge deeper into the morass of the same war policy, and to replace the Bungler Chamberlain by the Gambler Churchill. . . .
The outcome of its formation can only lead to yet greater disasters for the people, to new crises and new desperation..• The new Coalition Government of Churchill-ChamLenin valued the German working class and the German section of the Communist International far higher than the Red Army's understanding with the Prussian General Staff. Above: Hindenburg with Russian Hitler basis Germany: Labour (Palme Dutt, 'Labour October 28. 1940• "let it no be forgotten that Churchi nimsell declared as lar bac will choose tha betweeazism pretend that, and (After June (Daily 1941, it was would choose ism"' ('Daily very quickly December 1940: wnenever suttering and dea death are acts, results, same nuary of the ChurchillRoosevelt they lake snape, grow new viceroys; only in, Is alleren Churthe visage or nance capital. All his cord as -enemy leader as ist with and was covered over the General st ng of the eulogies • . were covered over umed to be fo Monthly'.) (Palme They very soon were.
1941: cial paree no alhill; and lure. only way out of this present very working class to end the policy "Coalition"' (D lonthly'.)
Thrown out Much to Dutt's embarrassment, no doubt, this article was still on sale after the British Stalinists had become the greatest advocates of coalition with Churchill.
After the invasion of the USSR by Hitler, this correct, class analysis of Churchill and his Party was thrown out of the window.
Harry Pollitt, the Stalinist who bragged that he 'neither knew nor cared' how long the Stalin-Hitler Pact talks had been in progress two years earlier, now displayed an equal indifference to the new position adopted by his Party:
•. the fact that the Churchill government has changed its policy or the question whether the Communist Party has changed also, are small matters, interesting only to narrow minds that are unable to comprehend the new living history is making gigantic developments the common experience of our everyday lives.' ('Britain's Chance has Come', July 1941.)
To hell with our previous analysis of Churchill, says Labour realise. It is clear that the only way out of this present very serious XUITED B1 R PALNE DUTT situation is for the working class to end the policy of "Coalition," and CHURCHILL to take the leading rôle in building a powerful independent popular opposition capable of winning widespread support from all sections of COALITION the nass of the people. On that basis there could be established a Government that would carry out immediately the obviously necessary ALTERNATIVE measures. What are these necessary measures ?
No PRITT Pollitt, this is a question 'narrow minds' The class nature of the is a 'small matter' In the same pamphlet, Pollitt spells out what was to be the Stalinist strategy for the rest of the war:
'There can be only one consideration, whether people mean to defeat Hitler or openly or covertly endeavour to sabotage the common victory of the British and Soviet people. This is why a fight for a united national front means support for Churchill's government and all measures for a common victory. ..:
Dutt weighed in behind Pollitt, oblivious of his previous claim that 'Churchill... is the main basis of support for Hitler in Germany' Now Churchill became the spearhead of struggle against "The Churchill government has now signed a Pact of Alernment. . .. to be a Tory. liance with the Soviet Union. [So had Hitler in his time.] ... Since this issue is the decisive issue today [Stalin's diplomacy was always the decisive issue for Dutt] overriding all other issues, it is obvious that these facts must govern the attitude of all class-conscious workers and the militant left at the present moment to the Churchill govWe want to deal with some of the difficulties that are said to stand in the way of our Party members when they take part in by-elections and recommend the people to vote for a Government candidate who happens •.. we give the most wholehearted • support to the Churchill government in every measure it adopts in the fulfilment of this policy..! ('Labour Monthly' August, 1941)
No criticism By November 1941, Stalinists had dropped even the marginal criticisms they made of Churchill in the early weeks of the war:
•. the people regard the Prime Minister as an exponent of action. He requires better men around him? W. WainNazism to far more dubious representatives. ...' (Our emphasis.)
Graduated In Dutt's eyes, Churchill had graduated from being the main support for Hitler to 'the principal representative of anti-Nazism'-all in the space of one year.
British Stalinists boosted of their submissiveness to Churchill:
'Events... have proved the correctness of the general line of the Communist Party, particularly their refusal to countenance attacks on churchill, urged by "leftist" elements in the labour movement. . . ? ('The Communist Party and the National Front' [!] April 1942, p. 5.)
This line never wavered throughout the rest of the war -indeed, the British Stalinists had plans to continue the national government even after the defeat of the Nazis (proving that the war against Hitler was not the main issue).
Stalin wanted Churchill to remain—so the British Stalinists had to work out ways of saving him.
The CPGB National Conference of May 1942 was adamant in its support for Churchill :
"The Churchill government is the representative of national [i.e. class] unity for the fulfilment of the aims of the British-Soviet Pact. . . . The weakening of the Churchill government would mean the weakening of national unity. • •• Our political aim must therefore be directed to the Whenever Churchill came under attack for seeking too much power in the Cabinet, the Stalinists were the first to defend him:
'In the debate, great play was made of the idea that Churchill is doing too much. His opponents want him to give up the Ministry of Defence. What is the real reason for this move? The answer is simple: it is to separate the government from the armed forces so that pro-fascists can carry on intrigues to sabotage the Second Front. :.. The must also be in charge of Britain's defence. To put someone else to do this job would be to convert the Prime Minister into a rubber stamp. ..: New depths ree Churchil 1g 01 Un 'Big Roosevelt and. Stalin — spurred on the British Stalinists new