Capitalism and the national

state To understand the reasons for the formation of the Common Market and the discussion of European economic integration now going on, it is necessary to refer to the historical conditions under which talism developed in Euro capiHistorically, the national state was the political expres ion of the dominance of the bourgeois class.

Each state thus had its own set of laws, its tariffs and trade regulations, its own currency and banking system. tion These states orld for posimarket, carved out colonial empires, formed alliances and went to war with each other.

The climax was reached ir the murderous vars of 1914. 1918 and 1939-1945.

These wars expressed the contradiction between the great productive (and destructive forces released by modern science and technology and the social relations of production, which the national state frontiers within which bourgeois rule had been established formed a part.

Marxists pointed out that the further development of the productive forces required the breaking down of the national state frontiers as well as the expropriation of the owners of the means of production.

The historical delay in the establishment of socialism, a consequence of the crisis in the working-class leadership, imposed upon the European bourgeoisie the task cf dealing with the outmoded national frontiers inherited from the past.

The wars of the 20th century, the revolutions in Russia and eastern Europe, the challenge of the working class and the economic decline of Europe convinced important sections of the bourgeoisie that it could not without closer European union.

This trend was backed by the United States in the period of the reconstruction European capitalism after 1945.

The establishment of the European Economic Community by France, Italy, Germany and the Benelux countries the 1950s was the most significant of a series of measures towards closer economic integration which followed the Wal.

Britain decided not to adhere to the Treaty of Rome which brought this organization into existence, not being prepared to surrender any Soubtful future which it could • to a body with a aonouul not be sure controlling. taste in forming the looser the initiative was European Free Trade AssociaThe governments which went into these groupings, and the economic and political interests which supported them, did so for reasons of material interest.

Despite much idealistic talk indulged in by politicians, publicists and intellectuals about 'united Europe' and the need to supersede the nation-state, the long-standing national interests of the bourgeoisie behe has gone everything will be plain sailing, and the former obstacles Britain's will disappear.

It is true that de Gaulle made his contribution to the general mistrust, but he did so representative of specific ational interests a undertood by dominant sections French capital.

De Gaulle made no secret of the fact that he had no time for the visionary nonsense which accompanied European Common Market propaganda and to which politicians as well as ideologists paid lip-service.

In the famous Soames conversation which blew up into a major diplomatic incident last February, de Gaulle made proposals which amounted to the replacement of EEC by a looser and larger organization which Britain could join.

ICELAND T COMMON MARKET E FREE TRADE ASSOCIATION MADI OTHER QE EC MEMBERS ALY Milir PORTUGA SPAN A ROW broke out among some Labour MPs recently over lobbying for Middle-East governments.

If this row must be commented on, it is not because of anything that might be learned from it about the Middle East, but for the way it shows up, for members of the labour movement, the very 'broadmindedness' of the Labour Party.

It is a 'broadmindedness' that allows virtually anyone -anyone except Trotskyists -from airing their views. Such views, of course, make no difference to policiesthe government will still pursue a programme aimed against workers at home, and against Arab and Jewish workers and peasants overseas.

The recent row began with remarks allegedly made by Mrs

THE WORKERS PRESS Greetings to the first daily Trotskyist paper in the world! September 27, The greetings I am sending you in the name of the will be a tremendous milestone in the history of the entire world working class. French Trotskyist Organization for the reconstruction We have followed closely the five-year struggle struggle for the daily paper. We are of the Fourth International are full of pride today. confident that the launching of the Workers' Press will in its turn set the stage The English section of the International Committee of for further leaps in the building of the revolutionary party. We know this will be so, the Fourth International, the Socialist Labour League, because our party and only our party is armed with Marxist' theory and it is only by unceasing militant work, has raised its activity to hrough the constant fight for this theory that a revolutionary party of the working class a level where it is able to publish a daily paper every "The Newsletter', now to be incorporated in the Workers' Press has been our guide in the fight for a Marxist paper in the United States, in our fight to re-establish The SLL demonstrates by this achievement that a weekly Trotskyist paper in the US for the first time since the degeneration of the faithfulness to the principles of the programme of Socialist Workers' Party and its reunification with the Pabloite "United Secretariat'. the Fourth International is the only ground on which La Bolshevik organization can be constructed.

The first issue of the weekly 'Bulletin' is now scheduled for the first week of November The daily Workers' Press will become, we are sure, We know that the first daily Trotskyist paper is the product of years of con- the organizational factor which will permit the SLL to scious struggle, and it appears at a critical point in the development of the interna- strengthen its base in the construction of the revolutional capitalist crisis and of the revolutionary movement. The imperialists are faced with a deepening economic crisis. They are faced with an undefeated working class which is ready to fight to defend its gains, and ready to learn the lessons of decades In this way, Workers' Press will soon become the of revolutionary struggles in the space of a few short years and even months. only workers' newspaper in Great Britain, affirming by doing so, that a workers' newspaper can only be a TrotThe strike wave throughout Western Europe is a fitting welcome to skyist newspaper, a revolutionary newspaper.

The daily Workers' Press opens great opportunities for strengthening the activity of all the sections in theit work for the convening of the Fourth Conference of the International Committee for the reconstruction ot the Fourth International, open to organizations and groups in all countries, and particularly the East European, for the new revolutionary international.

We are especially elated by the success of The October 1, 1969 Dear Comrades, will be built.

of this year.

paper.

LONG LIVE LONG LIVE WORKERS' PRESS!

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL! Fraternally yours, Lucy St. John, Editor, Bulletin of International Sc Organ of the Workers Leag KERS' Dear Comrades, day under the name, Workers' Press. tionary party in England.

Dear comrades, to end this message I would like to personally old comrade Gerry Brian Moore TO open a new column for the first Trotskyist daily paper is an historic occasion.

It represents years of struggle, sacrifice, determination, but above all the living potency of Marxism.

Each week this column will concern itself with films and theatre, hoping to draw the attention of Workers' Press readers to significant developments and contributions in this field.

We hope that writers, directors, technicians and actors will be stimulated to contribute to these pages as well as their counterparts in factories on the shop floor.

Complexity

Because we believe that cultural matters are of vital concern and are inextricably bound up with political ones; because we believe that works of art are an indissoluble part of the creative energy of man in his struggle for survival against nature, in his struggle to become himself; we believe that works of art remind us of our own humanity, show us ourselves in a new light, place before us the infinite complexities of human relationships, of love, hate, passion, pain, despair, death, joy.

In this they confront us with the possibility or imperative of theatre come more directly under the tentacular pressures of the profit drive and in their vulnerability they are more at the centre of contradiction.

Expression

When a new talent emerges it is in spite of, rather than because of the system, but the system itself demands its dues in return.

We hear a great deal of the freedom of expression permitted by bourgeois democracy, but in reality it is the freedom to go without.

Actors, writers and directors are in some cases highly paid, in others abysmally paid casual labourers, forced to hawk their talents like pedlars at a fair.

When they are working, their talents and, more important, their talents' development, are subordinated to the demands of the cash register and the accountants' balance sheet.

Resilience

That work of quality does persist is an indication of the resilience of talent, but the casualties of 'success', , of frustration, isolation, false values and fatigue is the other side of the balance sheet of imperialism in its decay.

PAGE IARCE all they can to buy over talent for their own propaganda.

Some of the so-called left tom-cats of the late 1950s have jumped already for their tins of cat food.

The choice is becoming clearer to all brethren of pen and greasepaint, that is for sure.

We will be counting you gentlemen, every week, from these pages.

There are no formulae for works of creative expression, for the imagination matures through many differing historical and psychological processes at a pace that often lags behind political developments.

Perhaps in periods of rapid political development the times are not propitious for art.

But we are not here to speculate on such matters.

The challenge of a new revolutionary period confronts writers, directors and actors alike, and the challenge is there to be met.

A new spirit is capturing the imaginations of the working class of Europe which will transform mankind.

The revolutionary movement welcomes creative people to join the struggle, bringing their skills and talents to serve the working class.