Stalinists scab on Farinas

COLLEGE CRISIS US CAMPUSES face their recently gone out of business 'greatest crisis in the 330 or been absorbed by larger raare cinna tha faundina of 5A0 nama years since ine lounang of Harvard because of a crippl ing shortage of money', says Clark Kerr, head of the Carnegie Commission on Higher Education.

The Commission has reported evidence that the financial suqeeze is becoming worse. At least 21 colleges and universities have chops Marxism up into separate compartments - its dialecticalmaterialist world outlook, which Catholics will naturally reject, and other "zones' , where total agreement is possible.

Philosophical developments, instead of being one of the main springs of revolutionary practice, are treated as secondary.

If thoroughgoing idealists of the Catholic hierarchy can arrive at the same political and ideological positions as dialectical materialists, what then is the function of philosophy?

Carrillo's position is the antithesis of Marxism. This is all the more spectacular in that he makes his approach to the longest established bastion of idealism—the Catholic Church.

Spain is on the brink of a revolutionary crisis. To fight its way to power, the working class and its allies in the countryside need, above all else, a party based on Marxist theory, a party clear on the philosophical issues Sompany in their dialogue with slurred over Carrillo the Church.

That is why Carrillo's book is so important. The programme he advances can have only one effect. That is to contain and betray the working class to its enemies just as his party did in 1936-1939.

Nothing would suit the Spanish capitalists more than to have an alternative to the Franco regime waiting in the wings, with deep roots in the working class as well as firm links with the Church, the army and, of course, the political spokesman of the more "liberal' trends in Franco's own party.

Greater repressions By providing these groups with radical and even socialist credentials, the Stalinists aid this strategy more effectively than the capitalist class can do on its own.

This is why, as Carrillo observes with unconscious irony, "The near-collapse of the Franco dictatorship, the proximity of political change, means that various sections of the bourgeoisie are beginning to view the communist phenomenon more calmly. (p. 94.)

Carrillo's, policies are tailormade for such a development. Robles said it is either evolution or revolution.

But there is no future for a 'democratic' capitalist regime in Spain. Along with more-advanced imperialist countries, the world crisis will drive the ruling class towards greater repressions. That is the meaning of the Burgos trial.

The liberal' alternative to Franco is a carefully-baited trap for the working class.

And the Stalinists, whether pro-Moscow, or "liberals' like Carrillo, are leading the working class right into it.

At the end of his book, Carrillo justifies his opportunist turn towards many of Franco's old allies, and observes:

'Look what is happening in our country; even the Falangists [the Spanish . fascist party] are beginning to call themselves socialists! So did Hitler's 'National Socialists.

The road to socialism in Spain will only be travelled in a bitter struggle against every theory and policy presented by Carrillo in this book. Union and even the Communist Party's youth wing, the Young Workers Liberation League.

The Communist Party stands alone with the Pabloite Socialist Workers' Party and its Young Socialist Alliance in refusing to sponsor Farinas's defence.

The Communist Party does this because of hatred of Trotskyism.

During the last war 200 unions supported the 18 l Minneapolis Trotskyists-the first victims of the anti-labour Smith Act.

The Communist Party not only refused to support the case but actively endorsed the prosecution. institutions. The report estimates ›YU campuses are culting Dack while twice this number may soon follow suit.

They have been hit by rising costs which have overtaken income from gifts, grants and government finance.

Among the institutions either 'headed for trouble' or 'in financial difficulty' are such eminent places as Berkeley, Harvard, Michigan and Stanford.

Many colleges have stopped trimming their hedges and washing windows. Others are cutting scholarships.

St Louis University has scrapped its aeronautical science and dentistry schools and cut down on 40 academic staff.

As a member of the Carnegie Commission put it: most US campuses 'face serious problems of retrenchment and readjustBut retrenchment is going on in more than one sense. Much more significant than dirty windows and straggling hedges is the cut-back at Berkeley.

Berkeley has for years been the scene of violent clashes between student militants: and Many a bourgeois has thought he detected a correlation between the teaching of the social sciences and militancy.

It, surely, cannot be accidental that at Berkeley authority decided that the best way to save a few dollars was to axe the social science research institute.

And again during the McCarthy witch-hunts hundreds of unions backed the Trotskyist and legless war veteran, James Kutcher, in defending him against government victimization.

The Communist Party refused to support the campaign.

The life imprisonment threat to farm workers' leader Chavez is the latest warning that all trade unionists and militants face long jail sentences during the coming struggles.

The Stalinists have shown they will scab on the principle of working-class solidarity in face of attacks from the enemy class.

They are tied to reformist, Popular Front-type politics which leads them into support for so-called liberal Democrats, such as Shirley Chisholm, in elections.

The Ctalinicte nannnon to arnol tue sidlists propose to work with her and the Black Panthers on liberal protests against repression and not on a class basis.

The results of such a policy were clearly seen in the case of the New York Tombs prison inmates. Chisholm broke her promises FARINAS New Park Publications 186A Claphun High St.. SW4. STALINISM IN BRITAIN A TROTSKYIST ANALYSIS of no reprisals once Lindsay moved against the rebellion leaders.

The Socialist Workers' Party agrees with the Stalinists on insisting on the liberal-protest character of the defence of classwar victims.

On the contrary, Farinas's defence is part and parcel of the fight against the Indo-China war and all the anti-working class policies of the Nixon Administration.

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