AND PLUNDER ALL IN THE NAME OF 'PEACE

TWENTY-FIVE United Nations "egrise. series RIOTING IN 'OLDVILLE, 1960 group with shares in Forminière, a French bank participating in BCK, and the British company Tanganyika Concessions Ltd with a sizeable holding in Union Minière.

The new Belgian Congo administration confirmed the concessions granted to these big monopolies — and granted another one, to the Lever Bros subsidiary HCB, for palm oils.

It also legislated to introduce free wage-labour.

So, in place of the brutal illaging carried out by King Leopold's regime there was to be modern monopoly capital- • Continued tomorrow tion taking place even in some sections of the army the commander of the Turkish air force warned of the danger in his report to the National Security Council and as an antidote called for widespread economic and social reforms.

This, however, is precisely what the government cannot do. With a steadily-deteriorating economic situation staring him in the face Premier Demirel finds himself assailed from the extreme right on one side and from the students and workers on the other.

At the beginning of the year he lost a vote of confidence from the parliament's Lower House ism and an African proletariat. It was still exploitation, still colonialism.

In fact, forced labour continued to be a feature of Belgian rule. Corvées were enforced for road-building, and there was obligatory cultivation and provision of crops. A chief in Orientale province described his people's experience:

'We were forced to move back to where the white men were building the big road that now runs from Kisanganyi (Stauleyville). It took many years to build, and they demanded that we supply men —so many from each village as well as food for all their soldiers, who stood with their guns in case we tried to escape. The white men did not always carry guns themselves, often they carried whips and they beat us like animals.

I remembered my father, and I said I would not let my people work for them. Because of the guns that had brought my people back to the roadside I said that we would supply whatever food we could spare, and for a time the white men accepted that. But they were not pleased.

"Told us "Then they came around and told us we had to plant cotton: and other things we did not want to plant. They said they, would pay us but I explained that if we planted cotton we. would have to grow less food.

"They said we 'could buy food with the money we got for the cotton and I told them this was like the play of children, because we could easily grow our own food without money, and have enough left over to give them.

It was then that they told me that I was not a man, that I was evil, that I did not want to help my people, that 1 only wanted to make trouble. Therefore, they said, I was no longer chief.' ISTANBUL POLICE ATTACK STUDENTS AND WORKERS DURING UNION DEMONSTRATIONS IN JUNE 1970. when the extreme-right 'Bilgic' faction voted against him.

Demirel's position however is by no means ambiguous.

He is no friend of the workers and students of Turkey. He has had long-held plans for pro hibiting communism which he is only waiting for the right opportunity to introduce.

The growing militancy of the students and workers, the physical attacks from the right wing and Karakan's murder are not separate incidents.

They are reflections of capitalism's deep-going international crisis in which the struggle by the youth against oppression must come to the fore.