US tentacles encircle globe

Monthly Review Press, New York and London, 1969 UK price. hard covers. 54s. Review by JUDGED as factual and statistical proof that the United States an imperialist cou v this book is a fir class professional job.

Harry Magdoff, who once earned his living as a top statistician for the US government and has lately become joint editor of the radical journal 'Monthly Review', has scoured all the available material to argue his case.

After a cursory glance at the theoretical issues in the introduction the reader is rapidly assailed by a barrage of facts and no less than 44 statistical tables.

All to the good, and very impressive in waystudies of this kind are cer tainly needed. The book nevertheless suffers from some basic flaws in method.

Magdoff reveals the major flaw on page PURPOSE The purpose of the bool is, he says, 'to show the coof the United States entence and the world capitalist system. contradictions and tensions within the . system In fact, however well this task is carried out, oit ret mains an examination forms without refernce their content if the 'contradictions and tensions' of imperialism are left out.

But this is not all. We are siren of vee articulations t American And fore pines expansion EMPHASIS The reader could very easily come away with the impression that Magdoff had proved his case all right: no one after reading it could maintain that the States is not an imperialist country.

But the is SO US world it exerthe growing penetration US capital pressive machine that he that nothing overthrow it.

to show the dependence of the US on the materials obtained from foreign countries.

ANTIDOTE

In that respect his analysis, based on trade statistics useful antidote to those Tens ousts who claim that this kind the relationropolitan tween metropolitan countries (especially of the USA) ana ne rest world is a thing of the past.

The development of technology, while it has reduced the importance of imported raw materials, has made others indispensable.

The big corporations opercon on of lobes ate to seize ply of these materials.

At the same time the most has become by lar important exporter of capital and foreign affiliates of US corporations have become a major source of profit.

The fact that much of this investment is in other industrial countries by no theory of imperialism of the contradicts the Marxist results from the role US as organizer and leader of the world imperialist system.

STAKE

US government politics and diplomacy are geared to maintaining and extending the world stake of the corporations and cannot be made intelligible on any other basis.

It has to maintain this position at the expense of capitalists of other countries.

It has to keep the loss developed countries within the orbit of the capitalist world market.

It has to deal with the threat constituted by the existence of workers' states, however degenerated or deformed they may be.

Besides facts and statistics Magdoff has found some tell-tale statements by defenders of US policy to substantiate this view.

SEVERE

The strain of maintaining its premier position in the capitalist world market. indeed to keep the system in being at all, has been very severe for US capitalism.

The immense sums „required for foreign aid and military spending abroad required to support the American empire together with the Tom Kemp court be here hot home home have greatly reduced US gold reserves and put the dollar at risk.

Magdoff only touches on the causes and consequences of the international liquidity crisis. He is so busy explaining the post-war expansion of US capitalism that its contradictory character is left out.

NOT ENOUGH It is not enough to prove that US imperialism exploits Latin America and other parts of the dollar empire.

To show the dependence of the technologically advanced industries upon imported raw materials or the imperative necessity to find outlets for surplus capital is very essential.

But this task could be carried out from a reformist perspective or simply as an 'objective' presentation of data.

Magdoff's purpose seems to be to convince sceptical middle-class radicals and liberals that imperialism does exist.

He is not writing for LOST The working class does not appear in his analysis; it has somehow been lost sight of while he was assiduously collecting facts and figures for this book.

The tendency in the US radical movement which Magdoff represents, while able to criticise capitalism, has no confidence in the ability of the working class in the advanced countries to overthrow it.

This leads him to write book about imperialism which the working class is left out completely.

Now Magdoff may believe that the American working class is a politically, backward aristocracy of labour.

APATHETIC

He may believe that the workers in the advanced countries of Europe have become apathetic and conservative.

He may follow Herbert Marcuse in thinking this.

We cannot be sure because he does not bring the matter up.

But if capitalism has survived into the second half of the 20th century, someone who claims to be using Marism and perialism quotes Lenin's Imwith approval owes his readers an explanaIn fact the flaws in Magdoff's method are very fundamental.

Claiming to deal with the most recent historical developments in the capitalist mode of production he leaves out the basic social relations which distinguishes it from other systems.

NO ANALYSIS He does not analyse the process of production and reproduction from which the drive for imperialism emanates.

The class struggle is kept out of sight.

The contradictions are reserved for later inquiry.

No political conclusions are drawn.

apart trom a lew passage: in which theoretica questions are dealt with in a cursory way the book merely provides a useful compendium of facts.

Anyone who wants to know what imperialism is about and how to fight it will still have to go back to Lenin.

Square, New York 1930—Thousands the depression. 'HIST GREA 'BABI Anatoly AGE OF IMPERIALISM' THE COMMUNIST AIN. VOL. 2: THE STRIKE 1925-1927' James Klugmann PAR DESPITE the intentions of its author, this book throws a great deal of light on the origins of British Stalinism.

The book reproduces a great deal of material issued by the Communist Party in the General Strike period.

Much of it only serves to underline all the criticisms made by Trotsky at the time of the General Strike, that the bloc between the leaders of the British and Soviet trade unions - the AngloSoviet Trade Union Committee-prevented the development of a revolutionary leadership independent of General Council'.

And this wa the same opportunist line that came under attack in the Bolshevik Party and the Communist International.

Klugmann completely distorts Trotsky's position when he attributes to him 'a completely negative view of the role of British workers in the General Strike. ..: (p. 321.)

This was never Irotsky: position on the General Strike The Left Opposition attacked the cover given by Stalin and the Soviet trade on one tudeneral council.

This involved the sacrifice of the political independence of the British Communist Party to the tactical alliance concluded between the British and Soviet trade union leaderShips well over a year before the General Strike began.

The 'Platform of the Left