Palestine and the Arab revolution. Part three

1967. 1967. In Tel Ave, an Israeli spokesman claims that Egyptian tanks have begun moving into southern Israel. General Moshe Dayan, newly installed as Defence Minister tells his troops: 'Soldiers of srael! We have no aim of territorial conquest Our sole aim is to bring to naught the attempt of the Arab countries to conquer our country..?

At the United Nations, the Israeli delegate gets to his feet to make a passionate denunciation of the United Arab Republic for its invasion.

In fact, of course, most of the Egyptian Air Force had been destroyed in Israeli bombing of the airfields, and Israeli forces were beginning their invasion of Arab terriGeneral Hod, the Israeli Air Force Commander, was to go in seen yer plain about years' plannins gone Into those initia minutes. We lived with The plann plan we we slept on the plan, we constantly perfected The planned nature of the lack of preparation.

commander-in-chief, Yitzhak Rabin prepared offensive action that Israeli attacked, commanding commanding officers of yet failure of their rulers.

Thousands Draw, ages and thrown in ed their boots taken off ther turned : into the lesene Palestinian P' people onc without water brainlity fore dionist congest On 1967. at the village about 30 miles north-west of erusalem.

all the Israeli top crowd. It was a morning. seen a the even they allowed to and thi 'No adult could go aside t relieve himself, no nia cou Shile they vate carefully cluding Council of Churches' ('Sunday Times', June 16, 1968)

Yalu and Great preston at gu.

mained, and part of the O Ti been accorded The war held un a mirror to 1 to ind scape arrested the Marshal Amer plotting him.

In February 1968, mass demonstrations of workers and students tat khe sentendes on officers were went the demand a ney lenient. MOONRY offensive against Zionism and ight to unions independent The students demanded th recalling how tated and the coup lad launched thei revolution.

ices but as bass of the lot whe sinai criticized for his hesitancy by a number than bourgeois nationalism. Istaeli Air Force Commander Hod. '16 years of planning went into the first 80 minutes?

of younger officers, who warned of the danger of an Israeli surprise attack and urged offensive action.

Nasser's failure was political. It was the failure of bourgeois nationalism, and the Bonapartist regime and neutralist politics which it created, which meant 'running with the hare and hunting with the hounds' regarding imperialism and the struggle against it.

Radio Amman was not far from the truth when it commented cynically on Nasser's demagogy :

'We are used to hearing curses against America, and America's response to the curses by granting more loans, aid and wheat and surplus supplies.

As Nasser's own spokesman, Mohammed Hasanein Heykal remarked:

'For Egypt, foreign policy is one of her largest investments ..!

The more Egypt extended influence in the Arab region, the more demagogic anti-American speeches Nasser made, the more dollars might be extracted from the American imperialists.

What Nasser did not realize was that they were no longer playing the game. On the eve of the war, he was hoping that the US would restrain Israel.

In correspondence with Johnson he urging that vice-president Humphrey visit Middle East, while vice-president Zakariah Muhieddin would visit Washington.

The way in which Nasser has been prepared to seek diplomatic 'solutions' of the Palestine problem might serm in contradiction with some of his more militant speeches. On May 28, 1967, for example, he was quoted as saying, 'We will Fiold Marshal Amer: Used as scapegoat for defeats of June not accept any possibility of co-existence with Israel'.

However, the explanation given to Eric Rouleau of 'Le Monde' by an official of the Egyptian broadcasting service, just about sums it all up:

'We committed the mistake of connecting the microphones of Cairo broadcasting station together, so that Nasser was addressing the masses. and world public opinion at the same time'.

Palestinians wage their own struggle For 20 years, as refugees in the camps or as an oppressed minority inside Israel, the Palestinian people suffered because of Zionist colonialism and because of the failure of the Arab governments, whether feudal or bourgeois, to smash Zionism.

The Palestinian guerrilla movement is an expression not only of the Palestinian masses' resistance to Zionist conquest, and their determination to liberate their homeland, but also of their determination to shape their own future independent of the demagogy and double-dealing diplomacy of the Arab ruling classes.

In asserting this right for the masses, the Palestinian liberation movements arouse support from the mass of workers and peasants,. and particularly the youth, in all the Arab countries.

If there was any tendency to demoralization after the debacle of June 1967, it has been offset by the guerrillas' successes.

In March, 1968, in the defence of the village of Karameh against Israeli attack, the guerrillas held out against tanks, aircraft and paratroops inflicted heavy losses on the Israeli forces sufficient to defeat the object of the attack.

restored Arab confidence, helped to transfer it from the governments to the guerrillas.

In November, 1968, when the Jordanian government sent forces Wahdad refugee camp to suppress the guerrilla organizations, the retugee youth rallied to stand by the sures as against Hussein's Lebanon, workers and came on to streets to oppose the when The Lebanese covernment s were in line with those taken other Trag authority by restricting suboria ton to enforce their Palestinian and ments.

These government were joined by Nasser In securing deal for the Lebanese authorities.

imperialism pressing for Palestinians.

Shortly attack was the US government had expressed about Lebaintegrity' ng respected commented that the US statement "has been generally interpreted by hostile Arab world as blast at the - and as Lebanese, other governments, to take action against them'.

Knowing gence Agency (CIA), it would not have been beyond them to have initiated the attack on the guerrillas themselves via contacts in the Lebanese army establishment.

Palestinian leaderships To some extent, the Palestinian leaders have shown recognition of the line-up of forces. In August last Hassarein Heykal, editor 'Al Ahram'. generally regarded as ished th editorial praisier, mouthpiece for Nasser, the courage Commando AnAl Fatheader remarked:

'Look carefully at this article. On the surface it is a sentimental eulogy to our cause, but this is simply for the masses to show that Egypt is 100 per cent behind the Palestinian resistance.

If you look further on you will see that Heykal is arguing that the Palestinian resistance is secondary in importance to the Arab governmental policy. If this policy is to wait indefinitely for the Arab states to prepare for a new confrontation, then we must wait; if they accept an expedient diplomatic solution that requires to stop our operations "temporarily", then we must stop. We do not accept Mr Heykal's ideas. We are directing the liberation struggle, not the Egyptian government; these governments will work for us people support us (Quoted br because they know that their Hudson, 'Middle East ournal Summer 1969).

'ollowin; the agreement Arab arrested by Israeli police in Tel-Aviv. Siace the invasion every Arab is automatically a target for police persecution. with the Lebanese government, a statement by the largest of the guerrilla movements, 'Al Fatah', claims that:

'Most of the points agreed upon by the Palestinian and Lebanese representatives in Cairo follow the pattern drawn up by the Palestine Revo lution.

It goes on to say:

'Our struggle against the Zionist enemy is a common one and no doubt our valiant brothers the Lebanese masses will act as a bastion to protect our Revolution and will ensure its continuity' (Al Fatah statement, published in 'Free Palestine', November 1969).

In effect, this is acknowledging that the Cairo agreement was a compromise, open to interpretation, and that the way it is actually implemented will be decided by the balance of class forces in the Lebanon.

However, in the next sentence, the Al Fatah statement 'Unlike our previous agreement with the Lebanese Arab refugees ousted from their homes after the June war work on a new road to Kallia.

authorities, this present agreement has been guaranteed by official Arab third parties, who will supervise its interpretation'.

So it seems from this that Al Fatah is swinging between reliance on the masses and reliance on Arab governments, and avoiding a real analysis of the role of these governments. This may also reflect differences between various elements within Al Fatah.

The Al Fatah movement, while insisting on the dependence of the Palestinian struggle, also insists that the Palestinians must concentrate on their own struggle to the exclusion of other struggles in the region, and in this way it observes the connection tween the struggle against Zionism and the struggles against imperialism and Arab reaction.

Interviewed in 'Free Palestine', August 1969 issue, Yasser Arafat (also known as Abu Amar) stated :

'We will not interfere in the internal afiairs of any Arab country that will not in its turn put obstacles in the way of our Revolution or threaten its continuation.' Not only has Al Fatah not gone further than bourgeois but these states are as much allies of imperialism as Israel The reactionaries are prepared to make demagogic play with the Palestine issue so long as they can use it as a diversion from the class struggle in their own countries.

PAGE Saturday, December nationalism, it has declared for neutrality, indifference, between 'progressive' bourgeois nationalist states and pro-imperialist feudal reactionaries such as the Saudi Arabian monarchy.

It is asking for support from the masses, yet not aligning with their struggles.

Saudi Arabia and Kuwait contribute money to Al Fatah,

This takery was exposed, to cite one example, when King Feisal of Saudi Arabia used the argument of unity against Zionism to call for support for his 'Islamic Alliance'.

This alliance included Persia, which has been Israel's chief source of oil !

The recent Saudi Arabian provocations on the frontier with the South Yemeni republic, following that country's nationalization of British companies, are conspicuously reminiscent of the sort of aggressive acts that Israel has carried out on behalf of imperialism.

Certain upholders of imperialism, both in the Tory and Labour Parties, have been expressing sympathy Palestinians.

No one should be taken in by these people. They had very little to say when British troops were brutally repressing the people in the occupied South Yemen.

They are chielly interested, behind their 'humanitarianism', in revivifying the old alliance between the Foreign Office and Arab reactionaries.

In an article praising Al Fatah in the 'Sunday Times' on November 30, former Tory Foreign Minister Anthony Nutting says :

•.. the PLO as a whole accept Al Fatah's rule that interference in the affairs of the "host" countries should be avoided, and that, until liberation is achieved, ideological differences should be put aside. Arafat himself enjoys a close relationship with King Hussein and other Arab rulers of every political colour. And, from what King Hussein told me in Amman on this visit, whatever misgivings the Resistance may still have about other leading Jordanians, he personally now seems deeply committed to supporting the Palestinians, if only out of despair of Israel ever agreeing to withdraw from the occupying territories' (Our emphasis.

So Hussein has become 'converted' to the guerrillas' cause, only because he wants the Israelis to withdraw from the West Bank, but to smash the

democratic state!

It was Hussein's grandfather King Abdullah, who annexed the West Bank in 1950 as part of a deal with Israel.

Abdullah was assassinated for his complicity with the Zionists in dismembering the Palestinian homeland. Now Hussein would like to recover the West Bank.

However, if the Palestinians succeed in establishing a state of their own, then the West Bank will not be restored to the kingdom of Jordan, because it will form part of the republic of Palestine.

So if Hussein supports the guerrillas at all, it is unlikely that he goes along with their final aims.

It is more likely that he is prepared to back them as far as pushing for an Israeli withdrawal, in the hope of using them as bargaining counters which he can trade for another deal with the Zionists.

In attempting to subordinate the Palestinian movements to their own policies, all the Arab governments are endeavouring restore the old pattern relations which facilitate the imposition of a 'political solution' on the Palestinians, that is, a diplomatic betrayal.

The Western imperialists and the Soviet bureaucracy are both pressing for this. The only people who don't want it are the Palestinians, who want to determine their own future.

That is why the guerrillas are fighting.

Al Fatah was the first of the guerrilla movements in the field, and it is still the main one. It has attracted to its ranks large numbers of Palestinian youth, and its fighters have probably inflicted the main blows at the Zionists so far; but however effective its tactics, Al Fatah lacks a revolutionary strategy.

Although there are some left-wing elements inside movement, its leadership has shown no intention of developing a political alternative to the existing Arab governments.

Consequently, the way is left open for these governments to attempt to reimpose their authority SO that they can betray the Palestinians again.

Of course, Al Fatah is not the only Palestinian liberation movement, although to hear some people one might think SO The September issue of 'Free Palestine' reporting visit of British students to Al Fatah camps in Jordan says:

• • the Marxist-Leninists taking part in the camp adopted a resolution declaring "unconditional and uncritical support for Al Fatah".

The report goes on to quote someone called Paul as saying: 'Al Fatah has mobilized the people in a classical Marxist Leninist way.

In the very Palestine Same issue of 'Free there quote from an article in "The *Down among the pragmatic guerrillas'.

A movement that can give the impression of being 'pragmatic' and of being 'MarxistLeninist', a movement that can attract praise from both Anthony Nutting and the Maoists-'uncritical support', note —really is pragmatic !

Its military wing, Al Asifa, has been the main guerrilla force operating, and the most effective so far; but however effective its tactics, Al Fatah lacks a revolutionary strategy.

The Al Fatah leaders have shown no intention of developing a political alternative to the existing Arab governments.

Consequently, the way has been left open for these governments to attempt to reimpose their authority and to betray the Palestinians again.

Of the other groups in the liberation movement, Yasser Arafat has explained (in 'Free Palestine', June 1969):

"The reason why other groups beside Fatah exist today is that many of these groups do not recognise that the present stage of the Palestinian struggle is that of national liberation and rely on deliberately _ limited support within the Palestinian populaIn other words, the left of the guerrilla movement does not accept the 'stages' theory of revolution, and they are not prepared to water down their programme in order to be able to hob-nob with King Hussein.

They prefer to rely on the "limited support' they can get from the masses. Arafat's remark shows how superficial is the Al Fatah talk • about 'people's war' and 'revolution'.

A spokesman of the Palestinian left, quoted by Michael Hudson in the summer issue of 'Middle East Journal' says:

It is not enough to wear khaki and shoot to have a revolution, and the Palestinian youth are not giving their lives just to restore the oppressive rule of landlords and big businessmen in Palestine. day that is not leftist.' Besides Al Fatah, the main movements that have emerged are the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Popular Democratic Front. The PFLP developed of the the Palestinian wing the Arab National Movement, Qawmyun El Arab, which aims at the unification of the Arab region, and has contacts in various Arab countries.

Unlike Al Fatah, the PFLP has declared for the overthrow of reactionary regimes such as the monarchy in Jordan.

Initially Nasserist, the Arab National Movement later adopted a more left-wing ideology, at least in phrases, and the PFLP leader George Habbash was sometimes reported as being a 'Marxist'.

However, the left-wing elements have now split away to Popular Democratic Front, led by Na'if Hawetmah, who is contemptuous of Habbash's claims to be Marxist, and characterizes him as 'petty-bourgeois'.

The PFLP has gained a great deal of publicity for itself by such actions as the hi-jacking of Israeli airliners, and it claimed responsibility for the fres at Marks and Spencers' stores too!

In fact, it looks suspiciously as though Habbash, whom some Palestinians regard as one of the 'old politicians', has been using young liberation fighters to carry out raids with little military value, but designed to bring maximum publicity for his own movement.

Heroism wasted in publicity stunts is a substitute for a real struggle.

The Popular Democratic Front, on the other hand, has worked to establish cells for popular resistance inside the occupied territories, and taken part in a number of guerrilla operations against the Israeli forces.

In April this year, the PDF joined with Al Fatah's military wing, Al Asifa, in forming the Palestine Armed Struggle Command, for joint operations.

At the same time, it maintains its own political identity. The PDF is committed developing a revolutionary political consciousness among the Palestinian people, and believes that the Palestinian liberation movement must ally with two forces - the Arab masses and the Israeli working class-to achieve its objects.

Support for national liberation struggles is mandatory for Marxists, irrespective of the leadership of these struggles.

At the same time, we have the right and duty to criticize and make some assessment of the movements concerned.

From what little knowledge we have, it seems clear that it is the Democratic Popular Front that comes nearest to providing the sort of programme and leadership needed by the Palestinian revolution. 3.00 p.m. Saturday Cinema: "The Passionate Stranger', with Ralph eighton dand Margaret Leighton Carlo Justini. Novelist wife of a disabled professor sees an interesting plot for a • new • book in the arrival of Italian chaufieur.