The Great Lock-out

of the European' Minute of the Gener: Counci o' Firs International, December 14, 1869: WHILE CARSON and the British Tories were prating about their 'rights' and 'freedoms' and 'ancient traditions' the condition of the Irish working class was not only amongst the Europe-it was amongst the worst in the world.

In 1911 the 'Medical Press' commented on the infant mortality rate as follows: 'According death the latest returns, the rate in Dublin was 27.6 per 1,000ther he, nes next highest beins highest. any Moscow, 26.3 per 1.000. Calcutta, the presence of plague and cholera, the rate was only 27 per 1,000' earlier analysis of ortality rates clearly class Dublin: 1,0o0; ores middle classes artisans unskilled workers 27.7 per and small shopkeepers 1,000.

This high death rate of child. ren Dublin was closely con nected to housing conditions government inquiry HOLO Dublir revealed that tene. ment house accommodater 87,305 families 20008 each families 25.822 total of revealed sanitary Tine tenements. Surprisingly enough, 13 members of the cor poration had direct financial interests ma tenement polanated. Before the famine whole waste 1840s over million people lived there. By 1910, ther wee countryside that that was bein but it wa. laid Waste Those who coul afford went to Americ. Those who couldn't rise to that, came to England. The very neither.

could afford were forced off th anyway, flocker city an unskilled labourer in aver.

14s a week for men and women was The hour TOr averagi working week long.

But the working class would not stand for it. From 1907-902 —when Larkin led the KA taci dockers, Catholic and protest, in strike atter strikea Wave land. maid. This found ros organize. tional expression The Irish Reen had been reputated by James thockers Onion, of which he had precinve organizer because strike activities.) The n of tre ism' which had emerseTannem extension the British 'Dockers' strike of 1889—made its appeal directly to the unskilled, unors oized, ponenestrickene Dublin worker make a sand such were outraged, it wa stand against them!

(Trade unionism or and Labourers of the GasUnion Great Breaste are to opinionot the time- -sent Engels' most pro.

represent uncl Socialist 1891.') employers was the Murphy. The leader Murphy owned railway and • Lali Cork® and Dublin as well undertakings She Tast tramwavs ir London, Ramsgate Margate and Scot. land. drapery besides s a big drapery business involved in one way or another 1. Quoted Citizen Army: if. the Trish Fox, p. 20. 2 Quote bubin: Wight Bad Wright his book nas paid tor a the seir side on to 5i9, 5 g 01 olin and La Rins Labour Ryan Engels' to August 189tter Sorge, IN LEFENCE DF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION in most enter- financial prises.

One of the papers Murphy owned was the 'Irish Independent'. Just how 'independent' this paper was, is shown by one of its most famous articles 'Why Oppose Socialism?' Because, said Murphy's rag:

1. Its philosophy as laid down in the 'Bible of Socialism' (Karl Marx's "Capital") is based on the materialist conception of his2. Because the founder of that doctrine, Marx, was an avowed atheist and bitterly opposed the teachings of Christ and his church.

6. Because socialism would destroy the sanctity of the family and the home, for which the Catholic church has always stood.

12. Because socialism stands The scene In O'Connell baton charges. for free love, and derides marriage, calling it a capitalistic institution and a tool for exploitation.

Because socialism justifies abortion, child murder, regulation of reproduction, prevention of conception, and its advocates proclaim it.

16. Because socialists hate the Catholic church and condemn it as an enemy of workers, whose friend it has been through the ages."

To this end, he dismissed every worker who joined the Irish Transport Union, and under his 5. See Emmet Larkin 'James Larkin', p. 100. Irish Citizen Army men on the roof of Liberty Hall. TROTSKY: GERMANY WHERE IS BRITAIN GOING?

REVOLUTION BETRAYED •PERMANENT REVOLUTION:

RESULTS AND PROSPECTS IN DEFENCE OF MARXISM LESSONS OF OCTOBER STALINISM IN BRITAIN MAN: BOOKS HISTORY OF RUSSIAN REVOLUTION 3 vols AGE OF PERMANENT REVOLUTION PROBLEMS OF CHINESE REVOLUTION cloth MOSCOW TRIAL guidance the Employers' Federation presented each one of their workers with the following document:

'I hereby undertake to carry out all instructions given to me by or on behalf of my employers and, further, I agree to immediately resign my membership of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union (if a member) and I further undertake that I will not join or in any way support this union."

On August 21, 1913, the Dublin United Tramways Company issued each of its 100 employees in the parcels department with the following notice:

'As the directors understand that you are a member of the Irish Transport Union whose methods are disorganizing the trade and business of the city, they do not further require your sérvices. The parcels traffic will be temporarily suspended. If you are not a member of the union when the traffic is resumed, your application for employment will be favourably considéred."

Murphy did the same with every worker on the Irish Independent'. The Great LockOut had begun.

From the beginning, Murphy had the full support of the 6. Fox. op. cit. p. 25.

7. See 'Intelligence Notes' State Papers, p. 39. cloth £1.87} paperback £1.25 377p {1.50 45p cloth 1.05 •paperback 21p £1.871 paperback £1.12} paperback 75p paperback 75p paperback 60p cloth £2.00 paperback {1.127 paperback 75p police - both underground.

Every step of the workers' leaders was dogged by intelligence agents. Every strike meeting had its quota of spies in attendance. The Irish Papers Intelligence" Note, State 1913-1916 (see sections on Dublin Labour Troubles pp. 38-52 and Irish Labour Disputes 19071913 pp. 52-55) include the full text of Larkin's and other leaders' speeches at strike meetings.

On the basis of reports collected by spies, Larkin was arrested and charged with (1) having spoken certain seditious words with a seditious intention; (2), having spoken the words with intention of inciting to riot; and (3) having spoken with the intention to incite to have the shops and the shopkeepers pillaged and robbed.

It is significant that it was Larkin, who was organizing a strike, who was charged with sedition. Sir Edward Carson, who organized an armed band against a decision of the House of Commons, and incited army officers to desert, was never charged at all. On the contrary, he was appointed First Lord of the Admiralty. A clearer example of the class nature of British justice would be hard to find.

The employers, however, were determined to get Larkin. Between January and August 1913, there had been more than strikes in Dublin, and key 8. Ibid.

TROTSKY: DEATH AGONY OF CAPITALISM (The Transitional Programme) CLASS NATURE OF THE SOVIET CLASS AND ART IN DEFENCE OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION those books required NAME ADDRESS Amount enclosed E 10p postage for each book. sections the employers been defeated.

In the early hours of Sunday, August 13 knoc police raided the tenements as Corporation Buildings, indiscriminately batoning the inhabitants, men, women and children, and smashing up their homes. Later that day,, at a meeting in O'Connell St, Larkin was arrested and again police went berserk, charging and batoning everyone in sight. This was 'Bloody Sunday'. About 200 police were hospitalized but injured.

September 2, the Coal Merchants' Association locked out all members of the Transport Union; on September 9, the Master Builders' Association locked out 3,000 men and three days later the County Dublin Association locked out 1,000. When the timber and cement merchants locked their workers on September 22, the total number men affected was brought to 25,000.° It was due to this struggle that the Irish Citizen Army formed. The Irish workers rapidly learned that the only rights they had were those they fought Even when rights existed in law, they only existed in practice when backed up by force. The right to picket, example, was a legal right but attempts exercise that right led to incidents like the followin When the demand for legal rights made, police explained that they couldn't distinguish pickets from corner boys and hooligans. the word "Picket", armlets with on them help the police in their dilemma. Also the clause the Trades Dispute Act granting the right to picket was printed on a handbill and each picket was given on Armed with these safeguards, another Jacob's. He walked jauntily, feeling his legal rights assured.

"The policeman on duty looked at him with baleful eye. "What d'ye think you're doing?" he demanded.

Picketing," said the little man brightly.

•"See my armlet!" he pointed to the official badge.

"The policeman sour look. pulled out the leaflet and read it with eager confidence. The policeman listened grimly, fingering his • "Have asked as the paused breathless. "Yes, that's all," the response.

'"Well, take that!"-the club whistled through the air and fell with a thud, raising a lump on the picket's head. The policeman was certainly not going to stand See Emmet Larkin, "James Larkin', p. 122.

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The time has come ti bands, for the day will come ' The workers; must been well sail: hen we and they will have to use thern KI