STRAIN SHOWING IN THE WARSAW

The main target of Bilak's attack is the Rumanian Communist Party, accused of 'opposing the national interest of Rumania to the international obligations flowing from its membership in the socialist community.

In August 1968, Rumania refused to send troops to take part in the invasion of Czechoslovakia. The Rumanian CP leaders have since published collection articles stating their opposition to the invasion.

They have not of course taken principled stand against Stalinism. Their actions are dictated simply by the national interests of the bureaucracy. But this has been enough to create considerable tension within the Warsaw alliance.

Bilak comments: 'despite great efforts and great patience, we have not been able to find a common language'. He also makes clear why the Czech Stalinists are so concerned about the Rumanians' attitude. It is, he says, 'disturbing not only to-members of the party, but to all citizens who cherish socialism'.

Apparently the question of the Rumanian Party's opposition keeps being raised both inside the P acute is the crisis within the Party and at public meetings. the Stalinist bloc that the slightest independence, even on the part of orthodox Stalinists like the Rumanian leaders, becomes intolerable to the Kremlin leaders.

Bilak accuses the Rumanians of wanting to profit unilaterally from the economic arrangements hetween the E European states and of reneging on its Warsaw Treaty obligations.

*In the face of demands concerning the strengthening of ties between the socialist states and deepening of socialist integration. the Rumanian leaders put the accent on the principles of non-interference and sovereignty conceived in a completely non-class spirit.' Any such idea is, of course, anathema to Bilak and his Nicolae Ceausescu colleagues in the present Czech CP leadership who have sold themselves body and soul to Moscow. Bilak notes that the Rumanians have not revised their opposition to the August 1968 invasion.

Worse still, they had failed to consult their allies before embarking on their rapprochement with China. Even the bourgeois press, Bilak says, described the of Rumanian party chief Nicolae Causescu to Peking as *a demonstration against the USSR and Warsaw Pact gainst the entire The Czech leaders, for obvious reasons, want these problems kept strictly within the family. Bilak told the central committee that the presidium had felt dutybound to raise these questions with the central committee, but warned that the discussion must not go any further: Top: Russian armoured vehicles in *It is inadmissible for us to speak publicly of these questions or for a polemic to take place in the press, on the television, or on the radio.' For this reason, he said the presidium of the central committee had criticized the Slovak youth newspaper 'Smena' for publishing two articles attacking the Rumanians—a clear case of excessive Stalinist zeal on the editors' part.

The Husak regime may be having trouble with Rumania, but it can always turn for comfort to the Yugoslavs. Bilak referred approvingly in his speech to the improvement in relations with the Tito regime and hoped the improvement would continue.

It is worth noting that one of the main charges levelled against Rudolf Slansky, and his fellow defendants at the Prague show-trial in 1952 was co-operation with Tito. Slansky's enforced confession at the trial contained the admission that his cooperation with Tito had 'served chiefly the interests of Anglo-US imperialists-in particular the US imperialists-because the Tito clique was an agency mainly of the US imperialists'.

The alignment has changed over the past 20 years-but the fundamental character of Stalinism, whether in Czechoslovakia or Yugoslavia has not. Tito now enjoys the most cordial relations with the political heirs of the carryin! men who slandered him in 1952. He needs their backing against the Yugoslav workers.

Tito is carrying out his own onslaught against the left. 'Borba' the Belgrade newspaper, reported last month that the security forces had detained M. Nikolic and P. Imsirovic and charged them under article 118 of the penal code with •organizing against the people and the state'.

Not suprisingly, there is no concrete evidence to back up this accusation. The two accused are students at Belgrade University; a centre of left-wing opposition to the bureaucracy since 1968. At a recent University meeting, Branco Pridicevic, a leading member of the Yugoslav League of Communists, defended the arrests.

To 'explain' the attack on the lett, Pridicevic made use of a well-worn Stalinist amalgam. The main danger, he told the students, came from the right. Why then had action been aimed at the left? 'Because this leftwing extremism is often the best organized, the most aggressive, because it uses slogans which are often very similar to the official slogans (1) and because the extreme gave the impression that it supported the stricter application of the decisions taken by the League of Communists.' Hardly enough to justify arrests-even by Stalinist control over the press and the standards. So Pridicevic hastened other means of communication.' to correct any such impression. affairs to the 'weaknessstate of Bilak attributed this As it turned out, by demanding the implementation Party influence of the working class on decisions, the left were actually Yugoslav political life. In fact, of helping the right! course, the precise opposite is 'With its adventurism and its the case. irresponsible actions, left Tito's enforced break with extremism has frequently opened Moscow in 1949 strengthened the the road to right extremism and working class which acquired different forms of restorationist certain limited independence in tendencies.' relation to the bureaucracy. The A sentiment worthy of Mrs conquests made in that period Betty Reid. As far as Pridicevic by the workers have not been is concerned it certainly justified eliminated, though, as Bilak the arrests of the two students. notes, 'numerous efforts have He could not list their crimes, been made to change this state but he did know that the Student of affairs'.

Cultural Union had recently in- Bilak _ goes : on to offer some vited the Pabloite leader Ernest practical advice to Tito and the Mandel to lecture (quite legally) Yugoslav bureaucracy: In our at the university. This apparently experience, we say frankly to the proved the existence of 'clan- Yugoslav leaders that, in a sharp destine Trotskyist groups' class struggle, warnings and Tito is turning against the left appeals addressed to the enemies opposition in Yugoslavia just as Husak and Bilak turn on the Irresponsibility and abandonment opposition in Czechoslovakia. In of the Marxist-Leninist position his speech, Bilak adopted a some- always cost dearly.' what superior attitude towards Tito is clearly taking notice of DUS new-found 'comrades' in Bilak's advice. It can be summed Belgrade. They didn't have the up simply: The only way to push Czech Stalinists' iron grip on the back the political revolution is country's political life. to return to the full paraphernalia 'There are big problems, in- of show trials and repression. In volving the unity of the Yugoslav detence of their privileges, the League of Communists and its Stalinist bureaucracies E leading role in society. The Europe all come together against leaders of the League of Com- the independent organization of munists do not have sufficient the working class.

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