WATER- FRONT

The first of a two part series on the history of the US dockers by Jack Gale..

The recent long strikes ol the American longshoremen show that portworkers in the United States face the same struggle over wages and jobs as their brothers in this country.

The US dockworkers' struggle goes back well over 100 years. But they did not win their hrst real collective bargaining agreement until 1916, when the International Longshoremen's Association - American Federation of Labour (AFL) union supported by the majority of New York dockers—won a wage increase and union recognition.

year of stormy strike struggles followed World War I, but was held back by the AFL leadership of T. V. O'Conner and Joseph P. Ryan. From 1919 to 1945, the ILA fell increasingly into the grip of Ryan's machine.

A redellion against ryan was «ah-11: -defeated in 1919 and this was followed two years later by 80 cents to 65 cents an hour wagecuts and from $1.20 to $l an hour for overtime.

Ryan set up his own Joseph P. Ryan Association' which solicited contributions from the employers to 'fight communism on the waterfront'.

Ryan was not only a raging right-winger, he was corrupt. New York State Crime Commission revealed in 1953, that he took $17,000 of the Association funds for his own personal use over a five-year period.

While his anti-communism endeared him to the bosses, there was no effective union protection on the job, no job security, no grievance machinery or effective code and a continual practice of 'short-ganging' by the employers.

Yet, only a short time before he ordered the State Crime Commission to investigate the ILA. New York Governor Thomas Dewey wrote to Ryan:

'On behalf of the people of the entire state, I congratulate you for what you have done to keep the communists from getting control of the New York waterfront. Be assured that the entire machinery of the government of New York State is behind you and your organızation determination.

From 1945 to 1953 op grew to Ryan's colla with the employers.

But throughout this 'anti-communism' was us cover for attacks on conditions.

The Waterfront Con Act of 1953, for example screening process to wi militants.

This anti-communism, linked communism with ism, had the effect of pr the Stalinists as th opponents of the bosses eyes of many militants when the Communist Par practising the most ope collaboration.

This is clearly illustr the career of the so-call gressive' W coast leader Bridges. Bridges was an patriot in the late 193 durina World War IT TY ULIU 11 1 that the unions had to 'instruments of speed-u was one of the first to automation and containe which today threaten job: American docks as thes Britain.

On : the W coast, the were for years without e protection that the IL vided on the E coast. / had was company known as the 'Blue Book' In 1933 the nationwide of the American workir brought 95 per cent of coast men into the ILA.

In February 1934, a broke out around the ( for union recognition, u creases and a coastwide ment. Involving 100.000 and frequent battles w police, this was the bigge! in American history sil Seattle General Strike of The strike leaders, t appealed to the W coast nors and mayors to get R to intervene.

The Communist Partysupporters of Roosevelt New Deal - offered nc native.

Nevertheless substanti: were made and it was this battle that the Inter Longshoremen and Wal position boration period, ¡ed as a mission was a eea 1no which esenting e real in the : - even rty were n classated in ed 'pro; Harry 30s and darlorad utuldicu become Ip'. He • accept rization, do in dockers iven the A proAll they union upsurge 1g class the W strike lemands vage in: agreeith the st strike nce the 1919. lowever, t goveroosevelt -ardent alteral gains out of national rehouseBottom: Dock strikers in 1934 men's Union grew, the first wave of the movement of the American workers that built the CIO in the mass-producing industries.

During the war, however, and in the immediate post-war period, the Stalinist policies of Harry Bridges - involving no-strike pledges and wage-freezing nearly allowed the employers to take away the gains of the 1934 strike, which had to be defended in another major strike in 1948.

This did not prevent joseph Ryan-and his successor Thomas Gleason-from using the alleged 'communism' of Bridges to drive a wedge between the ILA in the E and the ILWU on the W coast.

This allowed the employers to withstand long E coast strikes, and to hold E coast wages down -though another factor in this was the systematic use of thugs and gangsters by the E coast employers.

Nevertheless, the American dock worker fought back. In the New York docks, for example, there has never been a 'peaceful' contract settlement since 1945.

On September 30, 1945, the contract between the ILA and the New York Shipping Association expired. Ryan negotiated a new contract which was rejected by the men and the unofficial New York dock strike was on.

The now-familiar device of government intervention in the form of arbitration was used to prevent the strikers winning all their demands, but nevertheless they gained substantially more than Ryan negotiated on their behalf.

In fact, from that day to this, the clash between the rank and file and the bureaucracy, backed hu the various arms of the local, state and Federal government has continued almost uninterruptedly. .. During this time the TaftHartley "YU-day coolng-on ann 1. period' injunction has probably been invoked more often against the ILA than against any other union—usually because of unofficial strikes.

By 1950, Ryan was clearly losing the control he had maintained for 31 years over the rank and file.

In 1951 Governor Dewey instructed the New York State Crime Commission to make a thorough investigation into 'waterfront crime'.

These investigations were no more concerned with crime or with the welfare of portworkers who were victimized by the gangsters, than were the later investigations into the Teamsters' union under the Senate McClellan Committee and Robert Kennedy's investigations of Jimmy Hoffa.

Their purpose was to hamstring and control unions with a militant membership, particularly in transport.

At the same time AFL chief George Meany wanted to expel the ILA and replace it with the ILA-AFL. This was to demonstrate both to the government and the CIO (with which the AFL was about to merge) that a superior 'clean' bureaucracy could run the labour movement wiinout toleraung einer com- -almandin nithere namm munists or racketeers.

ILA members opposed both the Dewey hearings and the Meany take-over—not out of love for Ryan, but to defend their union. After a long and bitter struggle, they maintained their independence, with Ryan discreetly retiring.

But a new threat was approaching, one now familiar to British portworkers-containerization.

Material for this article has been taken from 'Showdown on the Docks' by Dan Fried, Bulletin Labor Series No. Distributed by Labor Publications, New York CONTINUED TOMORROW

The recent wedding of Prince blatant anti-Semitism.