WILLIAM CRAIG IS THE PROTESTANT BACKLASH

At Ormeau Park in Belfast last weekend the Ulster Vanguard, the extreme right-wing of the Unionist Party, turned on a public show of strength. It was impressive. About 75,000 turned out.

The man who summoned the meeting and who fired the audience into flag-waving and cheering was William Craig. In a stony, expressionless voice Craig declared: 'We are going to do more than just talk. Whatever the call of duty requires we shall do As the crowd hushed, Craig continued: 'We must build up dossiers on men and women who are enemies of this country because one day, ladies and gentlemen, if the politicians fail, it the enemy, our job to liquidate speech sent a shiver through liberal circles in London: but it's difficult to understand why In Ulster's Tory politics Craig has been one of the most outspoken and consistent spokesmen for the extreme right wing.

As early as October 1969, the 'Daily Mirror' said: 'To put not too fine a point on it, Mr Craig, who is drawing massive crowds wherever he travels, has become the man wielding the biggest whip in the Protestant backlash. If Craig has been more silent in the past two years, it is ment at Westminster and the British army have been carrying out policies to which Craig is sincerely dedicated. in Ülster-he got it. He wanted ine repression OI une Lamone nanraccian the ratholir community—he got it. He wanted soldiers given the authority to shoot to kill-he got it. He wanted internment-he got it. In that sense Craig is the man who represents the true Tory mentality in Ulster and he is responding : today to the needs of the Belfast bourgeoisie who fear that their profits and privileges might be threatened by the Tory 'initiatives'.

Craig has worked assiduously in Ulstèr to build his political base. By profession a solicitor, Craig was a long-serving chairman of the Young Unionists before being elected to Stormont anan ha ne moveu HILU sparivus detached house in Belfast which is conspicuous for its flagpole in the front garden from which the Union Jack always flutters. For his high-powered political organizing in the Party's grass roots. Craig travels in his sleek limousine (his recent models have included a Jaguar, a Daimler and a Chrysler).

He has a boat on one of the In ted Minister aged 37, he was appointed Home Affairs and took his place in Captain Terence O'Neill's cabinet. In effect, Craig was Ulster's Home Secretary: responsible for the police and civil rights (or lack of them!).

Within a month of taking ministerial office Craig showed his stamina-and his attitude to the working class. He attacked the unions for not giving proper service and accused the unemployed of refusing to. acquire new skills or travel 20 to 30 miles for jobs.

When the trade union leaders complained about these remarks, Craig told them: "Grow up, or, talling that, for the good of all, take a running jump off a great height.' Craig's brand of hardline politics was revealed even more explosively in October 1968 during the first riots in Londonderry. Civil rights marchers defied Craig's ban on parades and came into collision with large squads of baton-wielding police. Ninetysix civilians were injured in street battles.

Television cameras, photographers and reporters captured scenes of police officers_openly beating up marchers. But as shock swept through Ireland and Britain, Craig went on radio fied that the police used no more violence than was absolutely necessary and, in fact, "police you transpose the word showed considerable restraint.' 'troops' the statement is almost identical to what General Ford sald after the 'Bloody Sunday' massacre in the same town in January this year.)

Craig then began a spirited defence of the police, the B-Specials and the local government arrangements which ensured privileges for the Protestants. He also joined the Rev Ian Paisley in attacks on what would be described as 'popery. The outbursts were seen as a challenge to O'Neill's fragile leadership. In the event, in December 1968, Craig was purged from the Cabinet.

In his letter to Craig telling him of nis dismissal, O'Neill said: I have known for • some time that you were attracted by the ideas of a UDI (Unilateral Declaration of Independence) nature. On at least two occasions it has been necessary to ask you to delete comments from your speeches which attempted to show that we could manage on our own ... or that we should contemplate breach with Britain.

But it was a measure of Craig's strength that within months of ousted. In the backroom manoeuvres which ended O'Neill's premiership, Craig played a dominant role with another hard right-winger, Brian Faulkner.

On coming to power Major James Chichester Clark took steps to isolate Craig and a clique of right wingers who he correctly saw as the greatest threat to his tenuous hold on Stormont. For his part, Craig barnstormed Unionist strongholds declaring: 'We are facing the most determined attack ever made in our history to destroy Ulster and all that Ulster means to us.

"The burning overriding consideration of the new government is to strengthen security arrangements. A special division of highly-trained men is needed to cope with armed subversives.' When he refused to support motion of confidence Chichester Clark he was drummed out of the Unionist Party. Once again, only a matter of months elapsed before Chichester Clark, another premier, was toppled.

With the Unionist Party torn asunder with factions, Craig decided to mount his first serious attempt for the leadership. At this stage his political proposals began to show a degree irrationality; one newspaper said: "The Craig doctrine is a form proposed that Ulster become a state of the United Kingdom or, as he put it, a 'Smith governWhen he lost the leadership contest by 26 votes to four in March 1971, Craig announced: *I will support Mr Faulkner long as he pursues the policies this country • needs. But if he follows the line of the Chichester Clark administration, we shall not hesitate to fight him.' In November last year Craig announced the formation of his Ulster Vanguard, body of Loyalists and Orangemen, dedicated to 'the Loyalist line and the constitutional status Ulster'. . The party came into formal operation a month ago with the aims of 'defending the country by force if necessary and even by making the supreme sacrifice.

A propaganda leaflet said: 'It is essential that every Loyalist should unite now and help destroy for all time this evil in our midst. Unity under Vanguard there for all true Loyalists. Make up your minds now, and prove to the world that the long-awaited Protestant backlash is no myth.' At the opening rally in Lisburn he called for the mobilization of all Loyalists to defeat 'an evil conspiracy which threatened in our way, for we mean business,' he added. 'We must look to ourselves for the Loyalists of this province should stick together or sink together.' At another meeting in Londonderry he told the faithful: I can promise you that before March is out, notice will have been served on all and sundry that Ulster is not for sale On the face of it Craig's Vanguard group has wider support than the Rev Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party, another oftshoot from the official Unionist Party.

Organizations which already have affiliated with Vanguard include the Ulster Loyalist Association, the Loyalist Association of Workers, the Ulster Special Constabulary Association, the Young Unionist Council, the Ulster Defence Association, the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, the Royal Black Preceptory and the Apprentice Boys.

Representatives elected to serve on the central council are: the Rev Martin Smyth (Grand Master of Belfast and District Grand Orange Lodge); the Rev R. Dickinson (Grand Master of Derry Grand Orange Lodge); Mr A. Lee (Grand Master of Co Derry Grand Orange Lodge); Mr John Brown (Grand Master of Co Antrim Grand Orange Ist at Loyalist rally.

Left: When RUC officers beat up clvil rights demonstrators in Londonderry Craig sald no excessive violence was used. Lodge); Mr J. Molyneaux, MP (head of the. Royal Black Preceptory); Capt A. Ardill (chairman of the Ulster Loyalist Association); Mr H. Petrie (Loyalist Association of Workers); Mr G. Green (Ulster Special Constabulary Association); and Mr Brian Smith (Ulster Unionist Association).

Joint president with Craig is Mr Billy Hull, chairman of the Loyalist Association of Workers.

It is the presence of senior RUC men and ex-B-Specials that gives Vanguard its para-military overtones. This aspect of the party was even more firmly evoked at last Saturday's large rally when row after row of Protestant youths marched in formation to the park.. They wore black berets and dark sunglasses to avoid identification from the army photographers who, as usual, were busy taking pictures of everybody.

Craig clearly has the whiphand among a large section of the Protestant population. It remains to be seen how he intends to use

Saturday March 25, 1972