How the Tories forced a showdown with leading
By John Spencer
1972John SpencerTory governmentTrade union leaders and the TUC Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
cigar of Churchillian proportions spoke to reporters at Congress House.
There was the familiar and disarming 'I-know-things-youdon't-know' banter with pressmen who called him 'Vic'.
The sense of crisis and tension which had been building up reporters' minds throughout the three hours 40 minutes wait while the TUC Finance and General Purposes committee met was quickly dissolved in the hands of the figure who looked as solid as the marble pillars around him and as comfortable as the Bank of England.
Once again, as in SO many disputes before, Feather was poised to 'use his good offices' In an llth-hour : bid to get British Rail and the three rail unions round the table.
As a member of the NUR delegation said on his way out of Congress House a few minutes before 6 p.m: 'We can't get them talking but Vic can.' Under different cond conditions Feather's assurance that the gap between the two sides was 'very narrow indeed' might have had the customary calming affect.
But by six o'clock reporters knew that the general secretaries of the NUR, • the TSSA and ASLEF had not only not budged from their rejection of the Jarratt proposals and their refusal to call off the work-to-rule, but were holding out absolutely no prospect of budging.
Once Tuesday's TUC meeting ended, lingering doubts turned quickly into concrete certainties that the rail go-slow was not just one more in a long line of disputes.
This was shaping as a unique, even historic, confrontation.
Under irresistible pressure from the rank and file the rail unions were demanding a £20 minimum wage-now!
And for their part, the British Rail Board had made it crystal clear that there would not b a penny more after Jarratt.
As Feather left Congress House in his chauffeur-driven car, London's Tory evening newspapers were carrying front-page horror stories of the nation in peril: women were fainting in trains packed like sardine tins and travel was disrupted from Lands End to John O'Groats.
He hurried into St James s Square-the headquarters of the Department of Employment-to make 'strenuous attempts' to get the broken down and hopelessly Fir deadlocked talks alks started again.
But even while Feather was upstairs at the Department sudDosedlv having the usual christian name, soft-shoe chat millan, he Subscribe!
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Days required MONDAY (Please tick) TUESDAY Or Icription sant Am For three days this week, there was much to-ing and fro-ing in the rail dispute. TUC secretary Victor Feather was the man in the middle-and the Tories, armed with their own 'law of the land', dealt with him quite contemptuously. This marked a new aggressive phase in their relations with reformism and its arch-proponent whose middle names happen to include Keir HardiePATIENTLY FOLLOWING THE ROUNDS out a subscription Amount enclosed f the father of reformism.
IAN Employment Secretary Macmillan with Employment Secretary Maurice Macmillan, it was becoming clear that what the government wanted was immediate action by either the TUC or the rail unions.
Senior ministers • had been meeting throughout the day with Tory leader Edward Heath at 10 Downing St.
At various times these meetings included Solicitor-General Sir Geoffrey Howe and Defence Secretary Lord Carrington, as well as the ministers concerned directly with communications and supplies.
More important than anything else the Tories were letting it be known that they were not prepared to allow a repeat of the miners' dispute. As it was not afford it, fovernment could phrased: "The When Feather emerged at 8 p.m. on Tuesday evening after two rounds of talks with Macwas visibly shaken The dally paper that loads the fight against the Torles.
Clapham THURSDAY FRIDAY SATURDAY months. FOR WORKERS PRESS: YEATS AND JOHN SPENCER and his first statements wildly erratic.
'We will be back', he told about 20 reporters who crowded in on him the moment he stepped from the lift with TUC chairman George Smith.
A few seconds later he said: I don't really think we will be back tonight unless someone is offering more money. But I don't see anyone offering more.' With as much nonchalance as he could muster, he said that his next move in what was now clearly a crisis of major proportions was to 'go and have something to eat' Asked if the Asked sighi cance 1005 him, significance Feather replied casually and with a smile: 'No, no. It is not a time that appeals to me very much.' As soon as Feather's back disappeared out of the door, reporters heard what in fact had transpired upstairs. Macmillan had slapped down a 10.30 ultimatum. He wasn't calling it an ultimatum. but, that is what: it amounted to and it was widely described as such. Fe thee Department at 10.30 Feather had p.m. with the general secretaries of the three rail unions and give replies to three vital questions: • Would the rail unions suspend their work to rule while discussions continued? • Would they agree to a secret ballot of their members? • What did the statement that they. •were prepared to have discussions on the Jarratt award mean? • It was now clear that the talks with Macmillan--a hardliner much in favour with Tory backbenchers — had been more sour confrontation between enemies than a discussion among NUR leader Sir Sidney Greene had earlier observed that all the old negotiating procedures had been 'reversed' and that while they were trying to be 'helpful', Macmillan had "belted' them 'across the face'.
Now Feather's was stinging too.
Macmillan told the press that Feather had come to him without answers to any of the points the TUC and the union executives had been considering for 24 hours.
Now he wanted them by 10.30. Meanwhile he talk to Heath.
The situation was now extremely awkward. The Tories were cracking the whip. Could Feather or the unions be seen to jump to it?
There was a compromise. The rail unions continued their discussions and at 10.30 Feather and George Smith returned to James's Square-alone.
Nothing had changed, except that Macmillan now had a new brief.
His statement the new talks ended just nidnigh: was icy:
'No government can reasonably tolerate a continuation of this state of affairs for anything but a limited period.
'If by midday tomorrow [Wednesday] the government cannot be certain the unions are instructing their members to suspend their industrial action, the government will apply to the National Industrial Relations Couft for a. restraining, order, .2A96 wrassest Victor Feather, TUC secretary under the Industrial Relations Writing was now appearing fairly decisively on the wall.
When he emerged from the lift for the second time that day, Feather seemed more at sea than ever, dishevelled, hair ruffled and no sign of a cigar. • His tone was curt and more than a little outraged.
'I was hopeful,' he said inimitable slowness, "that Sir Sidney Greene government would give an opportunity for discussión on the proposal of the Finance and General Purposes Committee.' This proposal had been to carry on talking about Jarratt, even though it was known that to the rail unions this still meant £20 a week now.
Feather said: 'I still hope the unions will agree to more discussions, but reference to the Industrial Relations Court could now stand in the way' Things were now getting very difficult. In a matter of hours, it was the future of trade unionism itself that had become the issue.
Weary after awaiting results for 15 hours from discussions which seemed to stand still, the capitalist press now took the bit between its. teeth, What was Feather going to do now, they-asked. And weren't the long-suffering public entitled to a decision?
What Feather was going to do next was a question which touched a raw nerve. The BBC plunged in with a mike and about the public good estions began barrage of 'Sod off' said Feather. He brushed aside the man and the mike. 'You are asking me questions that make me look so • ridiculous I really can't comment.' Anger seemed now to have taken a hold on the usually smiling, jocular Feather. He paused on the pavement long enough to snort:
'There are rocks ahead for the trade union movement, but the government will regret this particular day.' He added, one might suppose wistfully: It would have been better if the government had given the unions the opportunity of continuing discussions without application to the Industrial Relations Court.' Next day Feather was out and about at 7.30 a.m.; all the wellremembered calm and leisure had disappeared from Congress House. Just to ask a question in the press office was like poking a stick at a bear with a sore head.
was up against it.
Negotiations definitely not on.
For the Tories it was a case of blood or surrender. offter two and a half hours discussion Feather declined to meet the press. Instead he sent down one paragraph statement saying the TUC backed the action of the rail unions Industrial Relations Court the in refusing to recognize The which they had all been summoned.
The TUC Finance and General Purposes Committee went into emergency session at 1.30—with all three rail unions giving. the thumbs down to ballot, coolingoff period and Jarratt.
Two very significant events in this microcosmic study of reformism occurred next.
At 4 p.m. on Wednesday Sir John Donaldson and his four lay judges filed into the crowded, windowless. No. 1 court.
Hugh O'Brian and John Mills are in 'Africa-Texas Style' on BBC 1 LECTURE 'Essential Marxism' given by G. Healy, SLL national secretary Woodside Hall, St George's Cross GLASGOW Sunday April 23, 2.30 7.30 p.m.
Community unions and SOUTHALL: 26, 8 p.m.
Bridge Rd. policy.
LUTON: T 8 p.m. St J gade Hall, Day rally. old Prudential building Chancery Lane.
By contrast with the panic and confusion at Congress House. the atmosphere was efficient and cold-blooded.
Sir John regretted the absence of the three rail unions-while it was their right to stay away, it might not be in their best interest, he said.
But either way it didn't interfere with the legal process. It took just four hours from the opening of the government's submission by Sir Geoffrey Howe (himself the Act's main architect) to the end of Sir John Donaldson's summing up.
Donaldson's favourite word is forthwith'. He defines it as 'with the utmost possible speed in all the circumstances': And that is just how. the National Industrial Relations Court goes about upholding the Industrial Relations Act and destroying trade union rights.
The Tories obtained an order imposing a 14-day cooling off period on the rail unions.
And Feather continued his 'strenuous attempts' to get talks going again.
ate on Wednesday night he ppeared to be knocking at : locked and barred door.
Rail chief Richard Marsh told him coldly that they would have to wait and see the outcome of NIRC's judgement before any further discussions could begin.
In other words a trial of strength had begun- and there was no point in talking until it was known who the vanquished The London evening newspaper headlines blared out: 'NO DEAL UNTIL UNIONS OBEY LAW-says Marsh' At 9 p.m. on Thursday April 20 leaders of the three rail unions meeting at Unity House, Euston, announced, with great reluctance, that they would call off the work-to-rule.
From Congress House Feather told the press there would not now be another urgent meeting the Finance and General Purposes Committee. Instead would meet in three days time— on Monday Highly responsible Mondav.
and decent working men and their unions have been caught up in the trammels of the law, but nobody is squealing.
'The unions will now be looking at methods whereby they can safeguard their members lawfully until such time as we can change the law?
Soclalist Labour League and Young Soclallsts Meeting DUNDEE 'Working class unity and fight against the Tory goi ernAUEW Hall, 26 Southward Sunday Aprll 23, 8 p.m.
Speakers:
G. Healy, SLL nat David Barclay, YS Glasgow-to London Right-to-Work marcher ALL TRADES UNIONS ALLIANCE MEETINGS WILLESDEN: Monday April 24, 8 p.m. Labour and Trades Hall, Willesden High Road, NW10. Tory 'fair rents' Bill.
SW London: Tuesday April 25, 8 p.m. Clapham Manor Baths, Clapham Manor Street, SW4.
Tory 'fair rents' Bill.
N KENT: Tuesday April 25, 8 p.m. SOGAT House, Essex Rd, Dartford. The Industrial Relations Act.
DAGENHAM: Tuesday April 25, 8 p.m. Co-op Hall, Fanshawe Avenue, Barking.
engineers' wage claim.
LEEDS: Tuesday, April 25, Quarry Hill Flats Centre. Trade the Revolutionary Wednesday April Community Centre, Fight Tory rents Thursday April 27, ›hn Ambulance BriLea Rd. YS May 7.00 8.40 9.25 10.15 10.25 11.25 11.55 1.00 8.40 6.45 6.50 7.25 8.10 10.15 10.30 10.50 11.40 DISNEY.
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