THE CAMPUS IGNITES

With only six months to go before presidential elections, Nixon is faced with a wave of militancy from the students and the working class.

The N Vietnamese offensive in SE Asia and Nixon's decision to resume bombing has led to a rebirth of student protests.

April 22 the day of demonstration. In New York a massive 30,00D-strong column marched through the city in pouring rain and across the country at Los Angeles a crowd estimated at 5,000 took to the streets. The day before, Boston witnessed a 10,000-strong protest.

These actions come wake of strikes and violent incidents on campuses throughout the country. Boston students occupied their university after march only cleared out two days later.

Maryland National Guard were called in to clear the main highway and in Texas and Michigan riot police used tear gas after university recruiting centres were wrecked. Even the Cambridge of America had share of trouble when 200 students stormed through the campus and ransacked the Centre for International Affairs.

The new movement has not yet assumed the scale of the May 1970 events when students virtually controlled their campuses for weeks.

But its character is radically different. The conflict the campus expresses the sharpening struggle between the Nixon administration and the working class.

The bombings of the N have triggered off the protests, but they! come after a series of attacks by the government on fundamental rights in the form of unemployment, wage-freezing and budget cuts.

This offensive has also provoked Nixon's other major, and potentially more serious, problem-the mood within the unions.

Part of Nixon's package when he removed the gold backing from the dollar on August 15, 1971, was a 90-day wage freeze. This was replaced by a government Pay Board to monitor wage rises and keep them to a suggested norm of 5.5 per cent After formal protests, the big US labour bosses treacherously joined in this plan to drive down living standards and five of them, including George Mun, took chief America's TUC, tool positions on the Board.

* But the US docks settlement, which gave portworkers 20 per cent on their wages put an end to this alliance. The Board promptly pounced on the settle. ment and slashed the dockers' rise. This led to an outcry within American ranks of labour and Meany-a faithful servant to Nixon's Vietnam policy — was forced with the others to resign.

The mood of militancy had continued to spread and the Board is now embroiled in a new battle-this time with the New York phone workers.

After a bitter seven-month strike the Board has threatened to slash their 15-per-cent award, though the rise did not exceed the increases given to phone workers in the rest of the country.

But according to George Boldt, the Board's 'independent' chairman, the 'tandem' relationship between the New York phone workers and union members outside the city no longer exists.

Now the New York phone workers' leaders, who did all they could to break the resistance of their members and get them to accept an unpopular contract, are flying to Washington to plead with the Board.

Manoeuvres like this, however, are unlikely to stem the tide of opposition against Nixon's home economic policy.

The latest figures from the government's Commerce Department show that the bid to halt price rises has failed badly.

Price rises in the last three months of 1971 were down to a low of 1.7 per cent. During the first quarter they rocketed to 6.2 per cent, slashing the real growth in the national output to 5.3 per cent lower than the advance scored in the previous quarter.

On top of this, unemployment shows no sign of dropping from last year's rough average of 6 per cent - that is 2 per cent greater than the British figure.

There is a strong suspicion developing in US labour that the fruits of growth, wage freeze and inflation are being reaped by a small section of the community.

The real benificiaries of Nixon's regime are, in fact, not difficult to discover.

Over the year top corporate officials have enjoyed modest wage rises of 27 per cent—no Pay Board for these boys.

Henry Ford II, for example, is nöt feeling the squeeze, He demanded and got $689,000 in wages and 'bonuses'. His salary pres as a 51 300 per the $189,000 Was increase.

Then there was. James M. Kerr, president of the Avco Corporation, who managed a 78per-cent rise. But first prize for effort in the face of economic adversity: must go to A. Paul Fontaine of the Bendix Corporation with a massive pay hike of 130 per cent.

These are the men the US workers face. They cry out against the union • demands for wages, are the backbone of the wages board and the men behind the Democratic and Republican Parties who will offer the workers and students of America their 'choice' of leader in November.

Top: Nixon campalgning. Below: Columbla students striking against Nixon's war escalation. the personal wearing apparel, bedding and tools of the contemnor. The commissioners, otherwise sequestrators, must not use force against the person but may break inner doors or boxes.

Property seized is held by the commissioners until the contempt is cleared. None of the property seized can be sold without consent of the court.