workers press

The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

ITALIAN BOSSES SEEK A STRONGMAN

By John Spencer

Workers Press no. 758, 6 May 1972 · scan pages 6, 7

Topics: Italy and Germany, Communist Party and Stalinism, Racism and immigration

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Italy's electorate goes to the polls on Sunday in the most critical election since the fall of Mussolini in 1945.

The election follows the fall of the so-called centre-left coalition which has ruled Italy for over ten years. It is the first premature General Election since The campaign so far has been marked by violent street-fighting and legal actions against the left.

the fighting occurred at rallies organized by the fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), whose functions were invariably well-protected by armed police.

The character of the Italian election campaign shows the polarization class forces the economic crisis hits Italian The economic boom of 1960s is over, unemployment and inflation are rising and Italy's key export industries have been affected by the growth of trade Within the last few days, two of Italy's largest private companies-Olivetti typewriters and Fiat motors-have announced decline in profits and production.

Fiat president Giovanni Agnelli told a shareholders' meeting week ago that unless the political and labour situations improved the company was unlikely to meet its 1972 production target.

The industrialists have spearheaded the demand for a stronger and more stable government, preferably one excluding the Socialist Party. The essence of this demand is for a government which will discipline the working class and keep down wages.

Since 1969, Italian workers have been involved in a series of bitter battles for higher wages and social reforms. Factory occupations, strikes, partial stoppages and demonstrations have become commonplace.

But at the same time, the trade union leaders - Stalinist and social-democrat-have confined these actions to economic and reform demands and olCvented the working class from challenging the government.

The Communist Party, which has the biggest following among the working class, has even dropped nationalization from its election programme, talking instead In terms of 'structural reforms'. It is grooming itself to take part in a Popular Front coalition with the Socialists and 'liberals'.

To woo the middle class, Party pains to stress its respectability, denouncing as 'leftist' those workers and students who attack the fascist rallies.

was the Stalinists their late secretary Palmiro Togliatti who saved Italian capitalism after the war. Togliatti flew back from Moscow to disarm the partisans and even supported the continuation of monarchy despite King Umberto's collaboration with the fascists.

The Stalinists' position today is every bit as counter-revolutionary. They pose as the saviours of the country's bankrupt parliamentary democracy. Yet it is precisely the corruption and decadence of Italian 'democracy' that gives rise to fascist tendencies among the middle class and strengthens the employers' demand for a strongman.

In fact, it is out of the Italian state machine that the MSI has drawn its most prestigious candidate-Admiral Gino Birindelli, who headed NATO's southern naval command until the election campaign began.

The fascists had 24 seats in the last parliament (out of a total of 630) and 13 seats among the 315 elected members of the Senate. They are widely expected to increase this figure substantially.

At the centre of the political of the political cists and workers in Turin. Below: scene is the amorphous connorphous con- a street decorated with election servative Christian Democrat ian Democrat slogans. EMOCRAZIA CRISTIANA F SOCIALISMO DEMOCRATICO PARKITONSDCIAUISTALTALIAND E VOi Party which was the majority partner in the long coalition with the social-democrats, liberals and socialists.

The Christian Democrats are moving sharply to the right in an effort to keep down the fascist vote. They are adamantly opposed to Communist Party participation in the government, which they fear would lead to further flights of capital from Italy and interfere with their participation in NATO and their relations with other Common Market countries.

The outcome of Sunday's poll is unlikely to resolve the political crisis in Italy. The class struggle will dominate whatever parliamentary combinations are thrown up by the election.

The Italian ruling class must now turn more and more directly to the repression of the working class. In turn the working class is faced with the pressing question of resolving the crisis of leadership through a struggle to build the revolutionary party against Stalinism and social-democracy.

Top: street fighting between fas- between fasTurin. Below: with election

THE REVOLUTION PAGE 6 WI 6, 10 tary • advisers was increased; the basis was laid for a substantial military commitment. Without US military aid and supplies the Diem regime caesar rem...

Westmoreland promised 'victory in 1967. In fact the US army was led deeper into the morass and was unable to inflict a military defeat on the rem. weariness spread.

After the Tet offi Johnson Administrat to 'de-escalate' the bombing of the Nort ensive the tion began war. The :h was disin 1970 and 1971 with the support of large American forces. These proved to be another disastrous miscalculation which did not achieve their support from the population has had to be grudgingly admitted by bourgeois military experts and journalists. As for the army, on which For l 1950: French troops (left) round up liberation fighters. Above: twenty years later, in by US suspects are taken soldiers, yet the fight of the Vietnamese people breaks into a

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