ITALIAN ROY JENKINS

Italian Stalinism is fully prepared to see the country remain in both NATO and the Common Market, even under a government with Communist Party participation.

This is clear from statements by leading CP member Giorgio Amendola in an interview with 'Times' correspondent Edward Mortimer last week. The interview was given only a few days before the Italian General Election on Sunday.

Amendola's own position makes it clear that the Italian CP is prepared to co-operate in the operation of the Common Market. He sits as one of the Italian delegation to the European parliament - a rubber-stamp body composed of representatives from the six national parliaments of the EEC.

He says: •We find this participation in the European parliament useful, even though it has few powers. We have learnt a lot from it.' In contrast with his British counterparts, whose propaganda is full of references to the loss of sovereignty entailed in the Common Market system, Amendola looks forward to a single European electoral law allowing uniform election to the European parliament.

In the meantime, he says: 'All national parliaments should elect their delegations with uniform criteria which would let in all political groups whether of the majority or of the opposition.' Berlinguer, present general sec. retary of the Italian Communist At the moment each national parliament chooses its own system of election. Under this system the Italian Stalinists have only recently gained admittance and the French CP is still kept out. What Amendola wants is a kind of 'Popular Front' regime on an international scale.

'We are not for Italy leaving the EEC', he says. 'We are for the transformation of the EEC's institutions. Until now power has been held by the national governments, by the bureaucracy of the community and by multinational comThe European Parliament in session. Amendola finds it 'useful participate in this rubber stamp body of European capitalism panies. We want an active and real presence of the popular forces: the trade unions, cooperatives, youth movements and all political parties.' This perspective Europe-wide extension Italian CP's domestic policy of 'structural reforms'.

Nor is Amendola opposed to British entry to the Common Market, unlike both the British and French CPs. He says: We understand the motives of Labour and communist opposition in Britain, but in spite of this if Britain does come in, I shall rejoice that the British working class will come and bring its contribution to the democratic transformation of the community' Readers will recognize the familiar siren-song of the Jenkinsite pro - Marketeers. This policy is a deceptive trap because, as Amendola himself admits, there is precious little 'democracy' in the Common Market, which is dominated by the 'multinational companies'.

Amendola is quite specific about his party's commitment to the continuation of capitalism in Italy. He stressed that the Italian CP did not want to move Italy 'from one power block to another'. They wanted to 'go beyond' the division of Europe into two blocs.

All they want really is to change the direction of Italian foreign policy-along the lines required by the Kremlin. 'We think Italy has a geographical position which requires a foreign policy of peace and detente in Europe.' This corresponds to the letter with the Soviet bureaucracy's plans for 'European Security'-joint policing of Europe against the working class by a deal between the capitalist powers and the Soviet bloc.

Amendola quite blatantly subordinates the requirements of the Italian working class to this counter-revolutionary aim. He and his Party are prepared to take posts in a government which is part of a military pact directed against the Soviet Union and the conquests of the October Revolution. Amendola does not even want a 'left-wing' government. He is quite prepared to support what he terms a 'government of the democratic turning point' (sic) based on a majority composed of the 'three historic currents' -the CP social-democracy and Catholics.

No one could accuse Amendola of excessive ambition. He says the CP would support Problems Duncan Sandys, Tory. MP for Streatham, South London, has just taken over as chairman of Lonrho, the mining and trading company which has been embarrassed by a f10m overdraft with merchant banks.

Curiously, however, the £10m materialized the other day from an unspecified deal which the company has just carried out. No sooner had he got one major problem off his plate, than another arose. A few days ago three of his directors in South Africa appeared in court on fraud charges.

Co-existence The man who has astonishing amounts of dirt on FBI chief Edgar Hoover is Soviet spy Kim Philby.

When Philby was stationed in Washington as Britain's top anti-Russian spy he regularly dined with Hoover. They would meet at Hoover's club and discuss the latest rounds in the Cold War.

Hoover was always boasting how he could smell a 'Commie' miles away-—which must have caused Philby to almost choke Philby Bottled money 'A disappointing £1,150 was paid for a jeroboam (equivalent to six bottles) of Château Mouton Rothschild 1929 at a Sotheby's wine auction recently. A few weeks earlier £2,800 had been paid for a similar bottle of the same wine.' This item on how the rich live appeared in the London 'Evening Standard' the other day. Labour Research Department has calculated the amount of money spent on these two bottles of wine could have provided a bottle of milk for almost a quarter of a million children.

with amusement. In his memoirs, Philby describes Hoover as one of the most objectionable men he ever met. He had many great anecdotes about the intelligence he used to deliberately 'plant' on Hocver.

Unfortunately these stories do not appear in his book presumably because the Soviet bureaucrats did not feel happy about making a complete monkey of Hoover while he was alive and while they were busily pursuing their policy of peacetul co-existence' Edgar Hoover