Some important lessons A SERIES OF THREE ARTICLES BY ROBERT BLACK PART TWO

ground to the tactic of the While social democracy naintained its grip on the bull of the working class there could be no talk of revolution and little prospect of even partial struggles succeeding without the backing of reformist-led workers.

Both the unity of the class and the struggle against social democracy demanded a change of tactics by the Communist Parties in those countries where the Third International had won significant, but not decisive, support.

The limits 'and possibilities of united front agreements between the parties of the Second and Third Internationals were carefully laid Ished by the Executive Coblished by the Executive nittee of the Communist International.

We must refer to these documents when evaluating the International Marxist Group's claim that they are applying the tactic of the United Front in the work of the Vietnam Solidarity CamPaign. the December, 1921 Directive on the United Front, the Executive Committee of the Comintern made the following points:

"The communist vanguard can only gain if new sections of workers are convinced by their own experience of the illusory character of reformbasis for action, communists must retain the unconditional right and the possibility of expressing their opinion of the policy of all working - class organizations without exception, not only before and after action has been taken, but also, if necessary, during its course. In no circumstances can these rights be surrendered.' So even within the terms of the Pabloite conception of the united front (which we, of course, reject) this Leninist principle of maintaining the right to criticize was broken by the VSC, even though our attacks were aimed at a tendency that had been excluded from the campaign on the grounds that it had refused to accept the position of solidarity with Vietnam.

In the Comintern Manifesto •For the United Proletarian Front' of January 1922, the tactical nature of the United Front was made still clearer: the fight for the new, the struggle for power, for the dictatorship, with arms in hands; you are not ready to launch the great offensive on the citadels of world reaction. But at least rally for the fight for bare life, for bread, for peace. Rally for these, struggle in one fighting front, rally as the proletarian class against the class of exploiters.

"Tear down the barriers erected between you and come into the ranks, whether communist social-democrat, anarchist or syndicalist, to fight for the needs of the hour. ... When you begin the fight you will see you need the sword of dictatorship if you are to triumph. But we know that this dictatorship is possible only if the great majority of the proletariat reach it through their own experience, and that is why the Communist International and the communist parties, in patience and fraternity, wish to march torether with all other proletarians, even if they fight on the basis of capitalist democracy' This then was the united ont; a fighting agreement beveen the main organizations I the working class, initiated the communist parties here they had sufficient mass ›llowing to compel the socialemocratic leaders to take ich proposals seriously. Such conditions certainly pplied in Germany, France nd Italy at the time these ocuments were written. They lost certainly do not apply to ritain today.

If there is any doubt on this oint we refer readers to rotsky, who wrote in March 922:

'In cases where the Communist Party still remains an organization of a numerically insignificant minority, the question of conduct on mass-struggle front does not assume a decisive practical and organizational significance.

'In such conditions, mass actions remain under the leadership , of the old organizations which by reason of their still-powerful traditions, continue to play the decisive role. Similarly_the problem of the United Front does not arise in countries where-as in Bulgaria, for example - the Communist Party is the sole leading organization of the toiling masses.

'But wherever the Communist Party already constitutes a big, organized, political force, but not the decisive magnitude; wherever the party embraces organizationally, let us say, one fourth, one third or even a larger proportion of the organized vanguard, it is confronted with the question of the United Front in all its acuteness' ("The First Five Years of the Communist International', Vol. two, page 92, emphasis added).

It is absolutely impossible to pretend that in Britain any party or tendency claiming to be communist commands such a mass support in the working class to make the tactics of the united front applicable.

So, from its very first issue, 'International' undertook the revision of Leninism. It carried on where 'The Week' left off.

The united front is applicable only to the struggle for leadership within the mass organizations of the working class.

The IMG transposes this tactic into the middle-class circles of student protest that dominate the political life of the VSC.

And they go further than this.

When the National Council of the VSC published its statement of policy, it made enormous concessions to the Stalinist revision of the united front:

'Our campaign recognizes its own historical precedents [this at least is correct], in the 1930s, united fronts composed of liberals, democrats, communists and socialists were forged to oppose the onslaught of fascism, and International Brigades were organized to lend material support to the heroic struggle of republican Spain to defeat the fascist intervention.

"These struggles were joined and supported by people of diverse political views, from parties with diverse political programmes, united only in their opposition to the fascist Lenin and Trotsky saw from the experience of the German insurrection in 1918 (left) that it was necessary to win the confidence and leadership of the majority o working class before making a struggle for power. menace' (emphasis added).

What is described as the united front here is the old Stalinist blue-print for defeat, the Popular Front!

It was precisely this alliance of 'liberals, democrats, communists [note, not 'Stalinists'] and socialists' that strangled the Spanish Revolution and handed the working class and poor peasantry over to the fascists.

For good measure, the same formula, with identical results, was applied by the Stalinists in France.

Messrs Jordan, Purdie and Ali also know that it was precisely to fight the betrayals perpetrated by the Stalinist popular front that Trotsky insisted on the foundation of the Fourth International in 1938. But Pabloism has long renounced the struggle to build Trotsky's international.

Instead it devotes its energies to revising the programme of the Fourth International, by substituting Stalinist conceptions such as the 'popular front' carefully dressed up in the Leninist language of the united front. tives of the Central Committee and exert pressure on local outlined our conception of the labour parties.' People's Front, addressing This is just a more 'left' themselves to the Radical version of the Stalinist line of delegates ... At the end of pressure on Wilson. And tend the People's Front still we shall see, the two theories May the Party decided to exfurther Upon invitation, the ations for the October 27, Socialist Party associated with 1968, demonstration. initiative. Radical Party, the Republican Socialist organized or supported by the Party, the Socialist Party of VSC, the Stalinists were atFrance [a section of this Party, led by Marcel Deat, was to tacked for opposing raids on to fascism very various 'symbols' of imperialrapidly], the Group of Left ism or for favouring different Independents and the Pupist routes of march to those protrous (composemunise Partes posed by the VSC.

our Communist Party) Much hot air was generated replied to our call. This is exactly the alliance Dwarf' over these questions, proposed by the VSC.

By its very class and politi- important differences between cal nature, the programme of the rival factions. such a combination automatic- For example, in a threeally excludes programme cornered debate in the 'Black based on the requirements of Dwarf' of August 14, 1968, A Popular Front demonstration in Spain organized by the Stalinists. The Popular Front successfully strangled the Spanish Revolution.

the working class, because in the alliance are drawn the political spokesmen for the liberal bourgeoisie.

This was precisely the intention of the Stalinists in beginning the 'popular front manoeuvre, and of the Radicals in France and the Republicans in Spain supporting it.

Trapped in this way between Stalinism, social democracy and the 'liberal capitalist' the working class was stifled and led to defeat.

For this reason the experiences of the popular front are recorded in the 'Transitional Programme of the Fourth International' adopted at its founding conference in 1938.

The IMG claims to adhere to this programme. What have they to say on its indictment of the alliance of liberals, 'Under the banner of the October Revolution, the conheatorpeople's front doom doom.

le working class to impoten nd clears the road for fascist • "People's Front" on the one hand-fascism on the other:

(Transitional Programme, pp. 9-10).

reviving the •Popular Front' under the guise of the United Front, the IMG thus gives a 'left', even 'Leninist' cover to the betrayals of the who shortly after the launching of the 'International' joined forces with the VSC to turn the campaign towards pressure on Wilson The theoretical justificatior for this turn had already been mapped out by Pat Jordan in his article 'Marxists and the Labour Party'. (International', Vol. 1 No. 2) :

'Activities such as the Vietnam Solidarity Campaign and the workers' control campaign together unorganized militants in meaningful activity converged during the preparearlier demonstrations in the columns of 'Black and it seemed as if there were is that political action is more a reality lately. Right now the kids are angry.

stomach not in the head. It's that easy?

With the 'brains' of the 'Black Dwarf' guerrillas firmly embedded in their stomachs, it certainly was 'that easy' for the Stalinists.

When it came to resisting the Stalinist take-over of the VSC in relation to policies, the ranters of 'Black Dwarf' were mere babes-in-arms.

In the July 1968 number of 'International', the glad tidings were announced, the YCL had adhered to the 'solidarity' position of the VSC:

'So far as we are concerned we are extremely pleased that the YCL has changed it position on the struggle against the war in Vietnam. . . we must recognize this as a step forward.' So behind the bluster and bravado of the 'Black Dwarf' over military strategy, the IMG was extending its hand to the The political line of the projected October 27 demonstration was also being carefully tailored to meet the reformist requirements of the Stalinists.

Above all, insisted International', the main blows of the campaign must not fall on the Labour government:

'It must be around a militant policy of support for the Vietnam people against American imperialism. It should, course, have as a secondary target, the exposure of the British government's role. But this is not best done by blurring the issue into a general anti-Wilson government demostration. We are in favour of that type of demonstration but it is not the job of VSC to organize it? (emphasis added.)

For the IMG solidarity with the Vietnamese people can be expressed and developed without a struggle against the enemy at home—the British ruling class and its agents in narching, but it was certainly ot why the Stalinists joined he march. This was, of ourse, understood by all conerned.

Ali claims that the march f October 27 was a step tovards the construction of the evolutionary party in Britain. 'et how can this be reconciled rith Pat Jordan's statement in he same issue of Inter¡ational':

'Very suddenly the Communist Party changed its line and the YCL has been active in the preparations for October 27. This change of line fills us with great joy and we look forward to seeing members of the Communist Party breaking with other aspects of their Stalinist past.' (emphasis added).

Since when has support for le popular front involved a eak with Stalinism ?

Betty Reid's anti-Trotskyist pamphlet "The Ultra-Left in Britain' reveals that satislaction, if not active joy, was also felt in Stalinist circles as it became more and more clear that the IMG not only were breaking, but had broken, from their Trotskyist past :

'In March 1968 an Ad Hoc Committee initiated by the VSC held a demonstration in which Communists and members of the Young Communist League took part as a scious organized action.

[emphasis added.) Other activities initiated by the Ad Hoc Committee culminated. in the very big and successful October 27 demonstration in 1968.

"The character of the leader:

and the co-operation on the and material produced, non-socialist forces [a reference to Ali's warm welcome for the Stalinists' clerical allies] was a very great advance on the previous demonstrations they lad organized .:. the tone ... was positive, and resulted in a high degree of unity of all forces excluding the small lunatic fringe.

Tate of the International Marxist Group wrote an article on the lessons of the demonstration which was a far cry from the days launched