AND WORLD WAR II

The foreign policy corol. lary to 'socialism in one country' was "peaceful co-existence' with capitalism on the basis of an acceptance of the existing division of the world.

Contrary to some assumptions, 'peaceful co-existence' had nothing in common with Leninism, nor was it an invention of the Khrushchev era; it was a necessary part of Stalinism and took definite form The fact that a new imperialist war was being i pared at that time posed difficult problems for the practitioners of 'peaceful co-existence': which gang of robbers should they co-exist with? There was no objection in principle to co-existing, which meant co-operating, with either.

The rise of fascism made no difference. Stalin could cooperate as will with Hitler, indeed better, than with a 'democratic' government more liable to alter its policy.

curity policy of collective se capitalist 'democracies', which or alliance with the went alongside the policy of the Popular Front, gained Stalin many friends and . supporters on the non-communist left and among those capitalist politicians disturbed by the growing threat to the other imperialist countries from Nazi Germany.

They were prepared to stomach the Moscow Trials, and even defend them, turn a blind eye to the purges and praise Stalin's statesmanship.

It was a different story in August 1939 When Stalin changed course and sought security in a pact with the Third Reich. The cries of 'betrayal' were as deafening as they were hypocritical. Many good 'democrats' were hoping that the Red Army would, to use Stalin's phrase, pull the chestnuts out of the fire for them.

The wave of Stalinophobia which followed found its expression the Trotskyist movement, leading a section OI the American Socialist Workers' Party to abandon the slogan of defence of the Soviet Union and question its class nature. But, in complete contrast with the Stalinists, The Fourth International remained

Needless offensives exhausted troops. Russian prisoners was so highly centralized that Stalin's temporary defection had a paralysing effect and helped to account for the rapid penetration of Soviet territory by the invaders in the early days of the war.

Once Stalin had come to his senses, he imposed his own views on strategy on the military command, namely to avoid retreat until the last moment. This made defence in depth impossible and on a number of occasions left large bodies of troops in exposed positions where they could be encircled. Huge losses resulted from fruitless offensives and troops were needlessly exhausted in premature attacks when a strategic withdrawal was called for.

An atmosphere created which stifled initiative During the war, of course, the Red Army suffered incalculably from the purge of 1937-1938. Not only had the most brilliant commanders been killed, but an atmopshere had been created which stifled initiative and, in particular, made it difficult for anyone to stand up to Stalin, however foolhardy or illiterate his proposals.

It was the heroism of Red Army and the reawakened power of October Revolution which enabled the invaders to be defeated despite the costly The evidence which Medvedev brings together about Stalin's record as a war leader is damning indeed. His conclusion is worth quoting at length:

'In short, Stalin was in several respects a poor comwest and much sooner. Hundreds of towns and tens of thousands of villages would not have been destroyed. Victory would not have cost 20 million lives.' Moreover, during the war Stalin continued to carry out arbitrary arrests and ordered the execution of many military commanders and reprisals against their families. In most cases they • were made scapegoats for his own blunders.

Medvedev claims that by refusing to sign the Hague convention on war prisoners, which deprived Soviet prisoners in German hands of help from the International Red Cross, he opened the way for many to join Vlassov's army which fought on the German side. They did so, he says, 'to save themselves from starvation, hoping at a suitable moment to cross over to the PAYING TO STAND UP One of the joys of working at the National Theatre consists of the understudies having to pay to stand to watch the show they are meant to be understudying.

Due to administration 'difficulties' it can take up to two days to get a free pass for one of the company to watch the show he or she is understudying.

Rather than go through the hassle of telephoning about ten secretaries to explain who he is and why he wants to see the show, the actor in desperation and frustration ends up by buying a standing place.

This can cost anything up to £2. And again, because of the heavy administrative machinery at the National, most understudies don't boher to try and claim the money back.

No wonder some of the actors are listening a little cynically to the claims of internal democracy heard at the theatre.

CHEERS Listen to this correspondent in the Tory-controlled 'Yorkshire 'Sir,— As one of the silent majority, who are weary of the constant industrial strife initiated by the tiny militant minority, I would like to ask, through your columns, if there are any influential and capable leaders who could form an organization to call upon voluntary labour from the ranks of this silent majority-such labour to be used to take the place of strikers wherever such a step is possible.

'I, for one, would willingly give up my evenings to work, for example on the docks.' The authority of this amazing burst is none other than well known supporter of the working class Frank Ogden Waddington. Cheers, Wodders, old man! Why not put up your suggestion at the next meeting down at the Royal Group of docks. HOUSE TRAINED SHEEP Further notes of Lord Aldington. He was a junior minister at the Board of Trade with Edward Heath during the late 1950s. He resigned and left politics because he said he could no longer afford to live on a junior minister's salary. He and Lady Aldington share an eccentric hobby. They keep house-trained sheep whose wool is used by Lady Aldington to knit mittens and pullovers for the family.

Below : Heath and Aldington