THE UDA'S TERROR SQUADS

The hooded men of the Ulster Defence Association, the extremist Loyalist group, are engaging in selective terror attacks on known republicans and innocent members of the Catholic community.

They have also carried out a number of executions in past few weeks.

But so far neither the army nor the police has been able to apprehend anyone connected with these incidents. Indeed, in some cases the so-called security forces have been seen to be aiding and abetting the vigilantes.

The Association for Legal Justice in Belfast has been compiling a number of sworn affidavits which describe the UDA's methods.

The first incident concerns Daniel Curran (23), of Twinbrook, Dunmurry, who was beaten up while walking along Clifton Crescent on July 2.

His wife, Mrs Curran, explains what happened:

We had just got off the bus and were walking along the crescent. My husband was carrying the baby. Suddenly a crowd of masked men charged down the street. They pointed out a Catholic house and then they proceeded to break down the door, burst in the windows and ransack the house. One of them stood at the corner with a gun pointed to the house.

We ran over to my motherin-law's house and my husband handed the baby over to her. I said: 'Do not leave the house again', but he said 'we need protection'® . He ran to a neighbour's house to phone for help. They saw him go into this house. He closed both doors as he entered, but they broke WHO GIVES THE TORIES THEIR FUNDS? With almost pre-election fervour, the Tory Party and its supporting organizations are collecting large sums of money from backers in big Many of the donations go direct to the coffers at the Conservative Party's central office while others are fed into front organizations which support the Tories, like Aims of Industry, the Economic League, Common Cause and British United Industrialists.

These groups are mainly concerned with giving publicity to Tory policies and preparing dossiers for the employers on militants and left-wing tendencies in the trade union moveIndustrial Act down the doors, my husband panicked and rushed out to the back. My husband ran into the toilet and locked the door and they threatened to shoot him if he did not open the door. He opened the door and they took him out to the lane at the back of the house at the point of a gun. Outside there were more UDA men. They dragged my husband down the lane. He shouted to the army for help but they ignored him.

They brought him to Roe Siree. and they asked someone to identify him, but they said they did not know him. They pointed a gun at him, but he knocked it out of their hands.

Then they blindfolded him and took him away in a LandRover. They took him to a hall, reblindfolded him again. They laid him on the floor and they beat him severely on the back, legs and chest. They then proceeded to burn his back with matches. * They took him away in what he thought was a Viva car and dumped him in a back entry in Alloa Street.

He managed to take the blindfold off and made his way to the Star Taxis. He went to the Mater Hospital for treatment. He has severe bruising, he has nine stitches in the back of his head, his right eye was badly bruised and required stitching. His feet were badly swollen, his face was walked on leaving heavy bruising. Case No 2 concerns the shooting of Francis Arthurs of Fallswater Street, Belfast, on July 22. His brother, Edward, signed this sworn statement: < My brother was leaving the Engineer's Club in Corporation Street with his girl friend-taking her home.

The taxi proceeded up the Crumlin Road and was stopped The following list wa as compiled by Labour :esearch Department. It totals f 169,365 and covers 27 con apanies. There are, of course, private donations totalling many thousands of pounds which cannot be accounted fo II.

A number of Cabinet ministers and Tory M IPs are connected with the dor lors.

For instance, British , Ropes Limited had Anthony Barber, the Chancellor of tl he Exchequer, as a director 1 prior to his Cabinet appointmen t, while Environment Minister Peter Walker was the co-: founder and partner in Slater Securities which gave £15,000 to the Tory Party last f inancial year.

SEE JUST PEOPLE THE SUPPLY HIS FUNDS POOR WilSoN: WHO CAN by UDA. patrol at a check point.

They ordered everyone out of the taxi, searched them and told them they could go, then they told Francis to get out and the girl went on in the taxi with the rest of the passengers. They went on to the barracks at Tennent Street and reported this. The police and the army just laughed at them and said 'Don't worry they [the UDA] will only question him and then release him.' His girl friend and about four or five people then went to Musgrave Street station to report what happened as they seemed to have got nowhere in Tennent Street station, but the same attitude prevailed there.

Company

Associated Biscuit Manufacturers Associated Portland Cement Manufacturers Automotive Products Babcock & Wilcox Bowring ritish British Titan British Vita Co.

Burmah Oil Co.

Clarke Chapman-John Courage Eagle Star Insurance Cr W & C French Gill & Duffus Guardian Royal Exchange Assurance Phoenix Assurance C Royal Insurance Rugby Portland Cem Slater Walker Securi Spillers Swan Hunter Group Tarmac Taylor Wood Unilever Weir Group Wilmot Bret I was told about the death of my brother by my other brother Robert on Saturday at noon. We went to Springfield Road police station to make inquiries. The police there directed us to go to Tennent Street police station. The police there told us to go to the City Hospital to identify him.

In case No 3 Kevin MacElkennon of Lisburn Road, Belfast, described how his home was broken into by UDA thugs. Kevin, who is 15 years old, describes what happened: On Sunday night, July 9 at 12.10 a.m. we were watching television when a crowd of UDA entered the house. Iwo of my friends got up to see Recipient British United Industrialists British United Industrialists Common Cause Aims of Industry British United Industrialists Economic League Aims of Industry Conservative Party Conservative Party Conservative Group Europe Aims of Industry Economic League Common Cause South Yorkshire Industrial Council Economic League Aims of Industry British United Industrialists Conservative Party British United Industrialists Northern Industrialists Protection Association Economic League British United Industrialists Conservative Party Economic League Conservative Party Economic League Conservative Party British United Industrialists British United Industrialists British United Industrialists Conservative Party Economic League British United Industrialists Liverpool Conservative Association Economic League British United Industrialists Conservative Party Aims of Industry Economic League British United Industrialists North East Industrialists Protection Association Economic League Conservative Party Aims of Industry British United Industrialists conservative Part!

British Council of the European Movement British United Industrialists Aims of Industry Economic League Conservative Party 1,000 15,000 15,000 5,015 1,500 5,000 2,000 3,000 5,000 5,000 2,725 4,000 what was happening and the UDA man saw us. The UDA then ran into the sitting room and beat us up. They hit me with sticks and batons on the side of my head, near my ear, and my legs, back and arm.

I went to hospital that night in the ambulance which the landlord had got. The police were there and they asked how it happened. We told them the story, they took our names.

My arm, according to the hospital, is badly bruised and sprained, my leg is also swollen. Father Lowry is now going to try and get me a job.

I have had to move out and get another house to live in. I have no parents and am supported by the welfare.

Year ending 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 29.1.72 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 29.1.72 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71 31.12.71

Forty-four foreign capitalist firms have invested more than £30m in Yugoslavia since the Tito government relaxed the control of foreign capital coming into the country.

Among the first involved are some of the biggest Europcan monopolies, including Fiat, Daimler - Benz, Volkswagen, Pechiney, Bayer, Dunlop and SKF.

Though the bulk of foreign investment is concentrated in Slovenia and northern Croatia, close to the border with Austria and Italy, investment has penetrated into all but one of the six republics.

Until five years ago, foreign capital could enter Yugoslavia only in the form of credit— that is loans at fixed interest raised on the money markets abroad. Much of this credit came from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development in Washington.

'RISK' This method of raising capital overseas was strictly centralized and under close government control. But since 1967 the controls have been progressively relaxed opening up the country as an outlet for 'risk' capital.

The Yugoslav bureaucracy sees the opening up of the country to foreign capital as a means of stimulating the economy and absorbing the hundreds of thousands of unemployed and underemployed This is certainly one of the effects, but it is gained at a heavy •price. More and more the nationalized economy must be subordinated to the requirements of foreign capital in order both to attract investment and ensure that it is not suddenly withdrawn by the foreign investors.

In the first years of the new system capitalists abroad seemed reluctant to take advantage of the new terms, so Tito has made considerable concessions in order to attract them.

The law has recently been changed to allow retransfer of invested cavital at the expiry or cancellation of a contract and the old requirement that part of the profits be reinvested in Yugoslavia has been dropped.

To facilitate the movement of capital into and out of the system sostem has been reorganized the entire banking to establish, for the first time, an internal foreign currency market.

This involves making the dinar a convertible currency and the operation of the foreign exchange market will fall to a considerable degree within the scope of semiindependent banks in the regions.

The idea is to establish the dinar at a rate of 17 to the US dollar, but in practice nobody knows what the dinar's 'true' rate is. To maintain its currency within International Monetary Fund parities, the Yugoslav government will have to adopt the classic deflationary tactics of holding down workers' living standards.

The working class in Yugoslavia will have to foot the Tito: by relaxing the laws governing bill for the encouragement being given to foreign capital. And the gains of the Yugoslav revolution are increasingly put at risk by Tito's economic turn towards imperialism.

The Yugoslay government still maintains some controls over foreign investment, the most important of which is the stipulation that investors must take part as minority partners with established Yugoslav firms.

DICTATING FIRMS But even this is not a foolproot protection. The foreign investor may not have control but he will certainly want to have a major say in the way the enterprise is run.

And if the Yugoslav side of the 'partnership' is sufficiently desperate for new capital, the foreign investor can virtually dictate terms. There have the inflow of foreign capital, Tito puts at risk already been cases of British firms bringing their management consultants with them to speed up the operation of 'their' factories in Yugoslavia.

These moves also have very sweeping political implications. The resurgence of Croat nationalism and the reappearance of Ustachi fascist terrorists in Croatia is symptomatic of growing national discontent, often taking the most reactionary, restorationist form.

Tito's government is not interested in encouraging small investment in Yugoslavia. It is concerned with attracting the big European monopolies in industries like automobiles.

The official publication 'Yugoslav Life' states: 'It is really unnecessary for domestic enterprises to have as partners extremely small foreign investors who would not be able to offer up-to-date technology, organization or markets.

'Since it is not impossible that even such investors would Firm Fiat Lacke & Farben IFC (US)

DaimlerBenz Semperit Fiat SKF Klockner HD Volkswagen IFC (US) find partners among Yugoslav enterprises, it has been decided that capital invested by a foreign firm must not be less than 1.5m new dinars [£38,000] ..

'Yugoslav Life' adds: 'It is not surprising that the first and largest investment with foreign firms was in the automobile industry. This is precisely the IN' Yugoslav Crvena zastava Cinkarna Crvena zastava FAP-FAMOS Sava Crvena Konus TAM UNIS FAP-FAMOS Firm's nvestment £5.3m £3.5m £3.4m £2.9m £2.7m £1.6m £1.1m £1.0m £0.9m £0.9m field where, throughout the world, there is the most intensive linking of producers.' Automobile manufacturers are also nobody's fools. Their readiness to invest in Yugoslavia indicates that they have 'confidence' in the Tito bureaucracy. The question is whether the Yugoslav working class can afford the same luxury.

IN YUGOSLAVIA* Ratio of foreign to domestic 49:51 15.85 30:70 11:89 49:51 13:87 23:77 other