OPENING THE DOOR FOR CORPORATISM IN PERU
By John Spencer
1972John SpencerLatin AmericaCommunist Party and Stalinism Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.
The Peruvian Communist Party and their revisionist friends in the POMR (the Revolutionary Marxist Workers' Party), the OCI supporters in Peru, are capitulating completely to the preparations of the military dictatorship of Velasco for a corporatist state in Peru.
The dictatorship must at all costs defeat and destroy the militant working-class in Peru which is fighting back against wage-cuts and unemployment. The weapons it is using are Sinamos, labour communities and a new union law.
PROPAGANDA The Sinamos are similar to the official trade unions in fascist Spain and try to link management and labour in a corporatist association.
The aim of Sinamos and the other measures is to tie the trade unions to the state in the guise of more workers' participation in the running of industry. It is corporatism hidden behind the usual rhetoric about revolutionary changes and advances towards socialism—propaganda that is VITUAIT. readily accepted by The Communist Party has postponed the conference of the CGTP, the Peruvian Confederation of Labour, due to have been held in July, to early September, in order to prevent any discussion on these measures.
Stalinism has meanwhile decided that the 'CGTP will support Sinamos, which is given an enthusiastic welcome in the recent issue of the CGTP's paper. Sinamos is described as an organ which will spur on the struggles of workers for their demands'.
Stalinism's support for these corporatist measures comes after the General Strike in Arequipa, Puno and Trujillo which forced the government to withdraw tanks from Puno, and the threat of a miners' strike which led to the release of miners who had been imprisoned.
The CP calls for 'loyal, firm and honest support' for the Velasco dictatorship. Bladimiro Guevara, member of the Central Committee of the CP and a union leader has been expelled from the party for opposing this support to the dictatorship. This is only one aspect of the opposition of the working-class to Stal nist peaceful co-existence with the Velasco's regime, as is well-Known, receives plenty of financial and technical aid from Moscow. It also receives enthusiastic. accolades from Fidel Castro whose press can never say enough about the "revolutionary' dictatorship.
NATIONALISM The latest financial deal with Stalinists was signed in Lima on . August 10. The Chinese Minister for Foreign Trade Pai Hsiang Kuo and the Peruvian Minister of Commerce admiral Alberto Jimenez de Lucio signed an economic agreement giving $42m worth of credit to the Peruvian government from China. Most of the money will be devoted to modernization of the mining industry in Peru.
It should be no surprise that the OCI's proteges in Peru are also in favour of Velasco's brand of revolutionary nationalism. After all, the Bolivian POR expected him to rush to their side in the fight against the Banzer coup.
Not only that, the POR advocated a similar kind of workers' participation to that now proposed by Velasco and the Stalinists. The secretary of the POR, Guillermo Lora notes in his book on the events in Bolivia:
'In the backward the working class must participate in the management of natonalized industries even if they are in a minority.' This participation is justified as educating the workers in an understanding of the need for control over the economy, the 'structuring of a workers' government' and many other radical notions.
The support given to Velasco's 'revolutionary nationalism' by the POMR faithfully follows the precedent set by Lora's loyal support for General Torres. As Lora says in his book:
'Many military sincerely follow nationalist tendencies and it would be absurd to leave on one side the possibility that some of them might develop towards Marxist positions.' The experience of miners in nationalized enterprises from Chile to Peru is that participation and nationalization in a capitalist framework are only steps in the destruction of independent unions along the road to corporatist state.
The treachery of the Stalinists and revisionists is that they strive to preserve the 'radical' face of these corporatist policies and prevent the political development of the working-class in Latin America. Years of strained relations between the Vatican and the Sudan were finally ended on August 10 when the Sudanese ambassador Salah ad-Din Uthman Hashim presented his credentials to Pope Paul.
According to Omdurman Radio the ambassador thanked Pope Paul and the Church for the work they were doing for the third world, peace and world understanding.
Pope Paul replied by giving assurance the Church's desire to work for the spiritual welfare of the people of Sudan but also to collaborate for the promotion of their full human dignity and material good.
The latter already guaranteed by President Numeiry's system of concentration camps, ummary executions and drum-head court martials.
But the Pope is not alone. These highly material aids to 'human dignity' already have the blessing of the Stalinist leaders notably in Peking and Belgrade.
TRALS OF President Svoboda's deci. sion to call off the prosecution of ten young Czechoslovaks appears to have halted - at least temporarily - the series of 'subversion' trials in Prague and Brno.
A total of 46 people, all of them supporters of former Communist Party secretary Alexandr Dubcek, are serving prison sentences imposed in nine trials since July 17 The trials have been accompanied by a vicious press campaign branding the accused for 'conspiratorial activities' and accusing them of seeking common basis from which they tried to weaken and successively overturn August 22, 1972 frame-ups aimed at truncating the leadership of the proDubcek tendency and crushing any alternative to continued Stalinist dictatorship.
The British Communist Party's 'Morning Star' reports this farrago of excuses from the Kremlin's puppets in Prague without comment. It has seen fit to complain about the trials only on one occasion, in a half-column editorial on Thursday, August 10.
On Friday, July 28 it had published a brief comment on the trials by assistant CP general secretary Reuben Falber.
said: "There is an absence of adequate official information, but according to reports most of the defendants appear to have been accused of producing and distributing leaflets on people's rights in last autumn's elections.
If the reports on the Then they showed no reluctance to condemn the victims in the absence of any concrete evidence whatever.
Indeed the indictment published before when the first Moscow Trial of Zinoviev and Kamenev was published in August 1936 produced the following reaction from the 'Daily Worker' (now the "Morning Star'):
*The revelations... will fill all decent citizens with loathing and hatred... Crowning infamy of all is the evidence showing how they were linked up with the Nazi secret police'.
The trial had not even begun when these words were published, yet the British CP leaders, such was their slavish adherence to Stalin, had already accepted the guilt of some of Lenin's closest comrades!