Workers Press no. 852

workers press

THE WAY FORWARD

FOR WORKERS

DAILY ORI

THE CONFLICTS of the last eight months have shown the enormous fighting capacity with which the working class has resisted the attacks of the Tory government on wages, jobs, rents and trade unions. Miners, engineers, railwaymen, dockers and building workers have all gone into battle to defend their basic rights. At the same time a section of the em- ployers-particularly in engineering-has proceeded ruthlessly with its attacks on the working class. And although the Tory government has had to make some adjustments-as on miners' and railwaymen's pay—the work- ers' capacity to fight is being undermined by their right wing trade union and Labour leadership. The TUC leaders enter talks with Tory premier Heath In which they accept a wage increase limit of 8 per cent while workers, by their own action, have won increases considerably in excess of this.

This leadership is assisted by all those who fight consciously to prevent the work- ing class mobilizing against the Tory gov- ernment-namely, the Labour and trade union 'left', Communist Party and the the revisionist groups. The more the leadership becomes ex- posed before the working class, the more these tendencies seek to cover up for them with 'left' phrases about more mili- tancy. Meanwhile the Tory attack persists. Unemployment is growing, the Housing Finance Act comes into effect in Oct- ober. and extreme reactionaries seek to foster and exploit racialism.

Anti-union laws are strengthened while the imperialist aggression in Ulster inten- sifies. The employers conspire with judges and peers to impose heavy fines on unions through the House of Lords.

The background to all this is the worsen- ing world economic crisis of capitalism, which since the devaluation of the pound has led to increasingly unstable economic relations between the capitalist countries.

The determination of the United States not to return to gold convertibility and the threat to impose more tariff restric- tions are the signs of a cut-throat trade war.

All capitalist monetary relations are dis- rupted. There is no stable monetary value on which to base international trade. The price of gold constantly rises as inflation grows. And as a major world recession devel- ops, the corresponding danger of a third imperialist war looms menacingly near.

The working class will meet real dan- gers. Ulster and Vietnam foreshadow the atrocities which imperialism is prepar- ing to unleash. The more the leaders betray, the more the Stalinists and revisionists (such as International Socialism, the International Marxist Group) cover up for them. This creates an atmosphere of confusion within a number of industries which are under attacks. It was the creation of such confusion which was responsible for the recent col- lapse of the dock strike. This in turn breeds cynism and fear. This expressed by the cynicism is Stalinists and the anti-communist Inter- national group who now openly blame the dockers, rather than the leaders, for the failure of the docks strike.

Fear is reinforced by victimizations and

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • SATURD

ILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTE

STATEMENT OF THE POLITICAL

LABOUR LE

Hands go up to continue 'blacking' action. Roy by the increasing number of factories faced with closures. This cannot be over- come by the reformist strategy of the 'work-in' adopted by the Stalinists.

At Upper Clyde Shipbuilders this tactic great sacrifice from workers.

produced Considerable sums of money were raised, but today the Upper Clyde is on the way to being a distressed area. Out of a labour force of 8,500 in July 1971, there will be jobs for approximately 5,000 available by the end of this year. Attempts by workers in other industries to resist closure by working in have resulted only in a loss of valuable time during which an attack should have been launched on the Tory government.

This can only lead to disillusionment, confusion and splits in the working class.

The fascists and racialists seek to take of this confusion to divide advantage by blaming immigrants for un- workers employment, low wages, bad housing, etc.

Yet the strength of the working class did overcome the recent attempt by racialists to hold a mass march in London. Shop stewards on the Royal and West India docks refused to participate in the march and the Socialist Labour League intervened consciously against the also racialists. of revolutionary But the building leadership is today the most important task facing the working class. Militancy point for such is only the starting an undertaking. By itself, it leaves workers at the level of spontaneity.

The highest point of spontaneity was which secured the powerful class action the release of the Pentonville Five. This action proved that the working class does have the strength to bring down the Tory government. But the Tory government cannot be overthrown simply by militant spontaneous actions. This requires the conscious inter- vention of the revolutionary party in a struggle to overcome the limits of spontaneity. Central to this is a continuing campaign

SATURDAY AUGUST 26, 1972

No 852 4p

MMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEA

CAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST

OUR LEAGUE

ctlon. Royal dockers yesterday (story page 3).

to mobilize all sections of the working class against the common political enemy -the Tory government. Unity of the working class, established in the course of fighting the common enemy, makes possible the development of a generalized political understanding of all the problems facing it. But this process is inseparable from a struggle against all the limitations of spontaneity.

In the process of building the Bol- shevik Party, Lenin insisted on the need to combat theories of "spontaneity': *All worship of spontaneity of the working-class movement, all belittling of the role of the "conscious element", the role of the revolutionary party, means, quite independently of whether he who belittles that role desires it or not, a strengthening of the influence of bour- geois ideology among the workers' ('What is to be Done'. Emphasis in original.)

Capitalist ideology insists, above all, that the capitalist system is 'natural and permanent. Changes can only be per- mitted within the limits laid down by the ruling class. The revisionists who worship the spontaneous militancy of the working class leave them subordinate to that ideo- logy, which also, of course, dominates the revisionist groups themselves.

They have no confidence in the ability of the work- ing class to overthrow a capitalist gov- ernment. The attitude to government is the acid test for all who claim to be revolu- tionaries. All the revisionist groups find com- plete unity with the Stalinists in opposing the demand put forward by Socialist Labour League the for the TUC to organize a General Strike to bring down the Tory government. Their reformist politics excludes this.

Lenin characterized such people in *Liberal and Marxist Conceptions of the Class Struggle': *It is not enough that the class struggle becomes real, consistent and developed only when it embraces the sphere of politics.

OUR LEAGUE

'In politics, too, it is possible to restrict oneself to minor matters, and it is pos- sible to go deeper, to the very founda- tions. •Marxism recognizes a class struggle as fully developed, "nation-wide' , only if it does not merely embrace politics but takes in the most significant thing in politics- the organization of state power.

'On the other hand, liberals, when the working-class movement has grown a little stronger, dare not deny the class struggle but attempt to narrow down, to curtail and emasculate the concept of class struggle. 'Liberals are prepared to recognize the class struggle in the sphere of politics, too, but on one condition-that the organ- Power should not enter ization of state into that sphere. Today the Common Market, Ulster, the rising cost of living, unemployment, Housing Finance Act, the Industrial Rela- tions Act, all point in one direction- need for a national campaign to mobilize the strength of the working class to make the Tory government resign.

It cannot be stressed too often that the trade union and Labour Party leaders, the Communist Party, the fake 'lefts' and the revisionist groups have no intention of leading any such campaign.

But the strength of the working class can only be established in a fight against its common political enemy.

Struggles restricted to single industries or sections of industries cannot resolve the basic problems faced by the working class. For the dockers to win would and will, require the whole of the working class to be involved in a political fight.

In the same way, the building work- ers' strike must not be allowed to fail.

The union leaders and the Communist Party must not be allowed to split up and isolate the builders.

The strength of the entire working class must be involved to ensure victory.

Workers should demand the immediate escalation of the builders' struggle to a national strike combined with an appeal to all trade unionists for full support.

Once the working class has been mobil- ized in a general strike to force the Tories to resign, it will be able to deal with the traitors inside the Labour Party and the trade unions. It will have the strength to force social- ist policies on a Labour government re- turned by direct class action.

These would include: nationalization without compensation and under work- ers' control, of all basic industries as the only solution to unemployment; imme- diate withdrawal of all troops from Ulster and release of all internees; repeal of all anti-trade union legislation; and repeal of the 'fair rents' Act.

With such policies forced on it by the strength of the working class, a Labour government could not be the same as previous Labour governments.

Through the development of mass action, the right wing would be forced to split and the way opened for the development of a mass revolutionary leadership.

A struggle to force the Tory govern- ment to resign involves breaking from all forms of class collaboration in order to force a Labour government into office.

This creates the conditions for breaking with the class collaborators within the Labour government. Here, in essence, is the policy of the Socialist Labour League. The crisis of the capitalist system precludes any possibility of lasting reform.

CONTINUED PAGE 12

workers press

THE WAY FORWARD

FOR WORKERS

DAILY OR

THE CONFLICTS of the last eight months have shown the enormous fighting capacity with which the working , class has resisted the attacks of the Tory wages, jobs, government on rents and trade unions. Miners, engineers, railwaymen, dockers and building workers have all gone into battle to defend their basic rights. At the same time a section of the em- in ployers-particularly • engineering-has proceeded ruthlessly with its attacks on the working class. And although the Tory government has had to make some adjustments-as on miners' and railwaymen's pay-the work- ers' capacity to fight is being undermined by their right wing trade union and Labour leadership. The TUC leaders enter talks with Tory premier Heath in which they accept a wage increase limit of 8 per cent while workers, by their own action, have won increases considerably in excess of this.

This leadership is assisted by all those who fight consciously to prevent the work- ing class mobilizing against the Tory gov- trade ernment—namely, the Labour and 'left', the Communist Party and union the revisionist groups. The more the leadership becomes ex- posed before the working class, the more these tendencies seek to cover up for them with 'left' phrases about more mili- tancy. Meanwhile the Tory attack persists.

Unemployment is growing, the Housing Finance Act comes into effect in Oct- ober. and extreme reactionaries seek to foster and exploit racialism.

Anti-union laws are strengthened while the imperialist aggression in Ulster inten- sifies. The employers conspire with judges and peers to impose heavy fines on unions through the House of Lords.

The background to all this is the worsen- ing world economic crisis of capitalism, which since the devaluation of the pound has led to increasingly unstable economic relations between the capitalist countries.

The determination of the United States not to return to gold convertibility and the threat to impose more tariff restric- tions are the signs of a cut-throat trade war.

All capitalist monetary relations are dis- rupted. There is no stable monetary value on which to base international trade. The price of gold constantly rises as inflation grows. And as a maior world recession devel- ops, the corresponding danger of a third imperialist war looms menacingly near.

The working class will meet real dan- gers. Ulster and Vietnam foreshadow the atrocities which imperialism is prepar- ing to unleash. The more the leaders betray, the more the Stalinists and revisionists (such as International Socialism, the International Marxist Group) cover up for them. This creates an atmosphere of confusion within a number of industries which are under attacks. It was the creation of such confusion which was responsible for the recent col- lapse of the dock strike. This in turn breeds cynism and fear. This cynicism expressed by the is Stalinists and the anti-communist Inter- national group who now openly blame the dockers, rather than the leaders, for the failure of the docks strike.

Fear is reinforced by victimizations and

INCORPORATING THE NEWSLETTER • SATURD

ILY ORGAN OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTE

STATEMENT OF THE POLITICAL

LABOUR LE

Handa go up to continue 'blacking' action. Roy by the increasing number of factories faced with closures. This cannot be over- come by the reformist strategy of the 'work-in' adopted by the Stalinists.

At Upper Clyde Shipbuilders this tactic great sacrifice from workers. produced Considerable sums of money were raised, but today the Upper Clyde is on the way to being a distressed area. Out of a labour force of 8,500 in July 1971, there will be jobs for approximately 5,000 available by the end of this year. Attempts by workers in other industries to resist closure by working in have resulted only in a loss of valuable time during which an attack should have been launched on the Tory government.

This can only lead to disillusionment, confusion and splits in the working class.

The fascists and racialists seek to take advantage of this confusion to divide workers by blaming immigrants for un- employment, low wages, bad housing, etc.

Yet the strength of the working class did overcome the recent attempt by racialists to hold a mass march in London. Shop stewards on the Royal and West India docks refused to participate in the march and the Socialist Labour League also intervened consciously against the racialists. the building of revolutionary But leadership is today the most important task facing the working class. Militancy is only the starting point for such an undertaking. By itself, it leaves workers at the level of spontaneity.

The highest point of spontaneity was the powerful class action which secured the release of the Pentonville Five. This action proved that the working class does have the strength to bring down the Tory But the overthrown simply by militant spontaneous actions. This requires the conscious inter- vention of the revolutionary party in a struggle the limits of to overcome spontaneity. Central to this is a continuing campaign

• SATURDAY AUGUST 26, 1972 •

No 852 • 4p

MMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST LABOUR LEA

CAL COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIALIST

OUR LEAGUE

ction. Royal dockers yesterday (story page 3).

to mobilize all sections of the working class against the common political enemy the Tory government. Unity of the working class, established in the course , of fighting the common possible the development enemy, makes generalized political understanding of a of all the problems facing it. But this struggle is inseparable from a process against all the limitations of spontaneity.

In the process of building the Bol- shevik Party, Lenin insisted on the need to combat theories of 'spontaneity': of the 'All worship of spontaneity working-class movement, all belittling of "conscious element" , of the role of the the role of the revolutionary party, means, quite independently of whether he who belittles that role desires it or not, a strengthening of the influence of bour- geois ideology among the workers. ('What is to be Done. Emphasis in original.)

Capitalist ideology insists, above all, that the capitalist system is 'natural' and Changes only be permanent. per- can within the limits laid down by mitted the ruling class. The revisionists who worship the militancy of the working spontaneous class leave them subordinate to that ideo- logy, which also, of course, dominates the revisionist groups themselves. They have no confidence in the ability of the work- ing class to overthrow a capitalist gov- ernment. The attitude to government is the acid test for all who claim to be revolu- tionaries. All the revisionist groups find com- plete unity with the Stalinists in opposing the demand put forward by the Socialist Labour League for the TUC to organize a General Strike to bring down the Tory government. Their reformist polities excludes this.

people in Lenin 1 characterized such *Liberal and Marxist Conceptions of the Class Struggle': It is not enough that the class struggle consistent and developed becomes real, only when it embraces the sphere of politics.

JUR LEAGUE

In politics, too, it is possible to restrict oneself to minor matters, and it is pos- sible to go deeper, to the very founda- tions. 'Marxism recognizes a class struggle as fully developed, 'nation-wide', only if it does not merely embrace politics but takes in the most significant thing in politics— the organization of state power.

'On the other hand, liberals, when the working-class movement has grown a little stronger, dare not deny the class struggle but attempt to narrow down, to curtail the concept of class and emasculate struggle. 'Liberals are prepared to recognize the class struggle in the sphere of politics, too, but on one condition-that the organ- ization of state into that sphere, Power should not enter Today the Common Market, Ulster, the rising cost of living, unemployment, Housing Finance Act, the Industrial Rela- tions Act, all point in one direction—-the need for a national campaign to mobilize the strength of the working class to make the Tory government resign.

It cannot be stressed too often that the trade union and Labour Party leaders, the Communist Party, the fake lefts' and the revisionist groups have no intention of leading any such campaign.

But the strength of the working class can only be established in a fight against its common political enemy.

Struggles restricted to single industries or sections of industries cannot resolve the basic problems faced by the working For the dockers to win would class. and will, require the whole of the working class to be involved in a political fight.

In the same way, the building work- ers' strike must not be allowed to fail.

The union leaders and the Communist Party must not be allowed to split up and isolate the builders.

The strength of the entire working class must be involved to ensure victory.

Workers should demand the immediate escalation of the builders' struggle to a national strike combined with an appeal to all trade unionists for full support.

Once the working class has been mobil- ized in a general strike to force the Tories to resign, it will be able to deal with the traitors inside the Labour Party and the trade unions. It will have the strength to force social- ist policies on a Labour government re- turned by direct class action.

These would include: nationalization without compensation and under work- ers' control, of all basic industries as the only solution to unemployment; imme- diate withdrawal of all troops from Ulster and release of all internees; repeal of all anti-trade union legislation; and repeal of the 'fair rents' Act.

With such policies forced on it by the strength of the working class, a Labour government could not be the same as previous Labour governments.

Through the development of mass action, the right wing would be forced to split and the way opened for the development of a mass revolutionary leadership.

A struggle to force the Tory govern- ment to resign involves breaking from all forms of class collaboration in order to force a Labour government into office.

This creates the conditions for breaking with the class collaborators within the Labour government. Here, in essence, is the policy of the Socialist Labour League. The crisis of the capitalist system precludes any possibility of lasting reform.

CONTINUED PAGE 12

PAGE 2 Workers Press, Saturday Augus

AROUND THE WORLD

BY JOHN SPENCER

A VIRULENT attack on who two communists were framed by Stalin appears in this week's issue of the Czech poli- tical weekly "Tvorba', published in Prague. The attack is a calculated attempt to legitimize the post- war Stalinist purges as part of the preparation of new blows against the Czecho- slovak opposition. The paper attacks Artur Lon- don, who was sentenced to life the frame-up imprisonment Slansky trial in 1952, for sup- grant the porting a move to leader resistance wartime Leopold Trepper asylum in France. Trepper headed the successful 'Red Orchestra' Soviet espionage ring in Nazi-occupied Europe during the war. Information of priceless obtained by value Trepper (including the date of invasion of the USSR the Nazi was ignored by Stalin. On his reiurn to Moscow after the war Trepper was thrown into prison because he raised awkward questions about the suppression of his group's information.

After ten years in jail, he was released and went to Poland, where he became the leader of the country's small Jewish com- munity. The Stalinist Gomulka regime later began systematic persecu- tion of the surviving Polish Jews.

Their papers were closed down and they themselves were vic- timized. Trepper requested per- emigrate mission to to Israel and rejoin his family. The request was refused and Trepper has not been allowed to leave the country. The Stalinists Trepper have made him the target of a campaign of vilification and smears. "Tvorba' joins in this campaign with the outright lie that he was imprisoned in Poland for 'proved espionage for Israel and insult- ing the Soviet Union'. In fact Trepper was im- prisoned in the USSR on Stalin's orders in 1945 — three years before the state of Israel came into existence. There is not a scrap of evidence to show that he has ever been an Israeli agent. The same charge, with its obvious anti-Semitic overtones, figured on the indictment at the frame-up Slansky trial in 1952, where London was imprisoned for life. Eleven of the 14 defen- dants in the trial were Jews.

day August 26, 1972 The trial's frame-up character was officially admitted in 1963, when a Supreme Court com- mission cleared London of all charges against him. The com- mission completely quashed the and exposed the extraction forced confessions by systematic torture. Artur London later wrote a book about his trial and im- prisonment under the title "The Confession'. It has been made into a film. Both book and film are banned in Czechoslovakia.

The Tvorba' article notes that London was one of the signa- tories of an appeal for Trepper to be granted asylum in France.

It says: 'Birds of a feather flock together. Artur guarantees Alfred [one of Trepper's aliases].'

Tvorba's' lies about Trepper and London have a very definite purpose. They are aimed at reviving the frame-up judgements of the 1940s and 1950s and taking up where Stalin left off. It is no accident that the article is pub- lished in the wake of a series of trials of opponents of the Soviet occupation in which 42 people have been imprisoned. The 'Tvorba' article is a direct refutation of these revisionist tendencies in Britain and else- where which claim Stalinism is a thing of the past. AMERICA'S foreign trade balance improved slightly last month but the figures show that it remains deeply in the red. The deficit narrowed to $542m from $590m in June. But much of the increase was due to big exports of grain to the USSR. However, seven months after the December 1971 dollar devalua- tion the foreign trade account is still running an annual deficit of more than $6,000m. More than half of this figure is due to the imbalance of trade with Japan and the US is making vigorous efforts to force Tokyo to slash its exports and take in more US goods. The massive trade deficit is behind America's demands for sweeping currency and trade concessions from all the major capitalist countries. They are ex- pected to be the central ques- tion at the International Monetary Fund meeting in Washington at the end of next month. The Common Market powers are trying hard to reach agree- ment on a united posture with which to meet the American demands. But the recent consul- tations between French Foreign Minister Maurice Schumann and British and German leaders have demonstrated a deep gulf between the EEC states. Schumann • left London on Thursday in obvious disagreement with Heath and his cabinet col- leagues. He said the staging of a Com- mon Market summit in October— where the French want to settle outstanding monetary and trade questions within the EEC-is still in doubt. THE SECRET dipk oeuvres of the Peking leaders wi imperialists are the continuat visits over caors. Following Nixon's vi in May, the

COW

deal was : Vietnamese rev This was not was shared by the Moscow they tering attack aid in «neTr aegesson weakness one their aggressiveness And the munists always revolution world revolution. arallst wor o revo lon. individual common interests o national seinshness pense of the world And last week when that i nisteti Vietnaa that soon be forced zems. 'If one's help the forces avert blows, just like thro belt to a arowning is a cruel reconcili ficial the to benencial to the rekno retters the struggle of the workers and peasa Harrow burci teresas This is the meanin

GIBRALTAR

fourth day Strike yesterday wi erment and indu vice at a standstil docks, refuse servi distillation company closed. The strike is again diplomatic man- Moscow with over the evolutionary policies icts behind the scenes continuation the established on Nixon's Chinese and Vixon's visit to Mos- Communist com agreements his week in Moscow reatin new for finall al coexistence. agreed can world, interests of emphasis. british CP was issuin the reassurances varned that v as the expeese of expense amese revolution alone. It Communist Nixon ban- was meeting. repel cannot ression. Bv showin cannot punish 'essiveness added: 'Com- consider Tine interests nor bace serve much

ICS.

selfishness at the the world revolution.' Nixon eek when the was calming would swallow Moscow and Peking: narrow interests one tries most reactionary enemy and these and sacrificing ow bureaucratic In- e meaning of their entered the y of a General erday with all gov- and bus plant e is against the deci- honeyed phrases about peace- ful coexistence with imperial- ism. The reality is counter- revolution and betrayal. The Vietnamese fighters have waged war continuously for 25 • Whole generations of years. their best sons have died on the battlefields of Indo-China.

They are subjected to the most relentless and savage bombard- ment with explosives and chemicals ever known in human history. And behind their backs the cyni- cal Soviet and Chinese bureau- crats are cordially sitting down with their enemies to negotiate the betrayal of their struggle and the destruction of their gains. As the Hanoi newspaper 'Nhan Dan' stated last week: The evolution of each country is an integral part of the world revolution and the revolutions of all countries have the effect of impelling and assisting one another. "The victory of a revolution in a country is not the end but only the beginning of the long travel towards the triumph of socialism on a world scale.'

This indisputable truth is fun- damentally at variance with the idea that socialism can be built 'in a single country' on the basis of peaceful coexistence with imperialism. Yet this idea, for which Stalin slaughtered the leaders of the Bolshevik Party in the Moscow Trials, is the basic tenet of bureaucratic rule in the USSR and China.

international Stalinism iS an counter-revolutionary tendency.

It reflects the interests of the privileged Soviet and Chinese bureaucrats who want at all costs to prevent any indepen- dent development of the work- ing class. Its advocates in Britain carry through their betrayals of the exactly working class with same end in view. The the closing days of the national docks strike provided an un- forgettable demonstration of this tendency at work. When the CP-dominated London reneged docks stewards on the national stewards' decision and refused to put the decision for a clear vote on continua- of the national stoppage tion against Jones-Aldington the proposals they broke the back of the dockers' strike. meant the dockers were delivered, trussed and bound to the mercies of the Jones- Aldington committee, on which the union chief sits side by with the former Tory side Party chairman. collaboration of these The stewards was the greatest en- couragement to the employers and their magazine, the Tory 'Economist'. This paper commented: 'Dockers' delegates usually go to con- ferences with their minds of the governor, Admiral sion Sir Varyl Begg, to order riot troops into the electricity gene- rating station to break a strike of power workers. The electricity board had pre- viously tried to use scab labour to man the station, running the gauntlet of pickets seeking an across-the-board pay increase of £3 a week. Union leader Michael Feetham already made up, and the per- sonal intervention of the Arch- angel Gabriel, still less that of Mr Jones, will not make them change it. 'But Mr Jones may be taking comfort from the calculated sweet reasonableness of Mr Bernie Steer and chums who, when interviewed by the Aldington-Jones team during the week, gave a fair imitation of men in whose mouths butter melt.' could possibly not (Economist', August 5, 1972.)

Even at the height of the dockers' indignation against Jones, the Communist Party press did not once criticize him. Ever since he became secretary the T&GWU with their of assistance the CP have shame- up and con- covered lessly cealed his real face from the working class. At Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, James Reid of the CP national executive and other Stalinists have accepted no-strike clauses in line with the requirements of the Industrial Relations Act and mass redundancies dictated by the Tory butchers of the four yards. For the same reason they have consistently opposed demands for a General Strike to force the Tory government to re- this implies a sign because break with bureaucracy and the construction of indepen- dent working-class leadership.

In the United States the Com- munist Party opposes a break between the unions and the Democratic Party of big busi- and supports George ness, McGovern the anti-trade unionist in order to strangle development any an independent Labour Party based on socialist policies.

Stalinism today is in mortal crisis. It meets obstacles its to treachery all along the line, in Vietnam, in Britain and wher- ever there are working men in struggle. This monstrous bur- eaucratic apparatus, which as the Trotsky described syphilis of the labour move- ment, must be destroyed by the building of independent revolutionary leadership.

The revolutionary struggle against Stalinism is a political task. It cannot be undertaken simply on the basis of militancy, but only by an all-round exposure of the history and actions of the bureaucracy and its sup- porters. It is only through the construc- tion of the sections of the Ine Foona international and International its British section, the Socialist Labour League, that the counter-revolutionary, plans of the Kremlin and Peking bur- eaucracies and all the 'little Stalins' around the world can be defeated. said the strike had completely paralysed the colony with the support of the local population.

The majority of the 3,000 Moroccan workers on Gibraltar had joined in, he said. electricity workers basic The wage is about £12 a week and average take-home pay £14-£15.

Feetham said • on Thursday: 'We do not intend to give way.'

—John Lunch, director-general of the Port of London Authority.

BY IAN YEATS

LONDON port employers have mounted a savage campaign to smash the hard core of docks mili- tancy centred on the Royals. They have lost no time in taking advantage of the con- fusion which has followed the collapse of the national dock strike. In a hard hitting interview in the 'Journal of Commerce' yes- terday, Port of London Autho- rity director John Lunch said the employers' master strategy for modernizing dockland had not changed or even slowed down.

Only a week ago Workers Press . that the effect of con- warned tainerization and modernization on London would result in the closure of almost all the Upper Thames enclosed docks by mid- decade. Lunch said: '... Tilbury is our main growth-point and has already established itself as the largest container port in the UK!

Meanwhile the Tory govern- ment has granted permission for the builders' spades to begin their work at Maplin Sands-the all- container air-sea terminal Foulness due to open in 1976.

We warned that the multi- million-pound Maplin develop- ment could threaten jobs even at Tilbury. Lunch told the 'Journal': ...I think many of the cus- tomers now establishing them- selves at Tilbury for container ro-ro (roll-on, roll-off) services are doing so with Maplin in mind'.

have The port employers mounted deliberately-timed 2007 28 Charlotte St

BOOKS • PERIC

The economic pati closures must fall scare campaign to isolate the militants. Instead of referring to the whole of London's upper docks as candidates for closure, Lunch singled out the Royals for the top of the list. He said. 'Frankly the Royals are a worry to me as they are not providing by and large the same standard of service as the other docks in the system and it is less to attract fresh trade to casy thim." The Royals are by far the lar- gest complex in the upper docks and if it is hard to attract trade there it must be twice as hard at the Indias or Millwall.

Why not mention them as well?

A bid to smash the hub of Lon- don docks militancy is the only possible reason. In line with the move to con- tainers, Lunch said: 'Earlier this year I forecast a continued reduction of conven- tional . cargo—despite our best marketing endeavours-leading in turn to further reductions in con- ventional cargo as part of our long-term strategy to streamline and concentrate our docks.'

He added the sinister threat: "The economic pattern suggests that the bulk berth of these closures must fall in the Royal docks.' There was also a deliberate isolate the Royals attempt to from • the rest of the docks system. Said Lunch '... nevertheless I am convinced there will be a commercial demand for services in the upper docks in the fore- seeable future.' In case any dockers believed the employers had been concerned about the effects of the dock strike, Journal' reporter, F-ter Green wrote that 'cheerful opti-

$ • PERIODICALS • NEWSPAPERS

Royals are a great worr c pattern suggests that t fall in the Royal docks Bernie Steer appealing for vote of confi mism and unshakable confidence' were the hallmarks of Lunch.

Lunch said: 'We still face hard times and the revolution is not spent yet but I believe we are now through the worst of it and can look forward in the next two or three years to a much more stable situation when we will have adapted to the new methods'.

Alongside these conscious attempts to split dockers off from their leaders and smash the power of the Royals the 'Journal' announced that employers at cold store and container depots would turn to mass closure rather than surrender the dockers' to demands. Wrote Green: 'A lead has already been given by Lord Vestey, who is on record as saying he would rather close Mid- land Cold Store than sell to PLA.

He quoted 'one container ope- rator' as saying: 'It is true that we have been discussing this very serious threat from the dockers and the concensus of opinion is that every effort should be made

NOW OPEN

Mon, Tues, Wed, Thurs 9 a.m.-6 p.m. Fri 9 a.m.-7.30 p.m. Sat 9 a.m.-5 p.m. Workers Press, Sat that the bulk of berth locks? of the Port of London / e of confidence yesterday to resist these highly irrational demands.' "These totally irresponsible tactics must be defeated and we are doing all we can collectively and individually to ensure that the dockers do not succeed.

'If it means closing down tem- porarily or permanently I believe the majority of firms caught up so this bitterness will opt to do The body-blow comes at the end of Green's article. He writes: 'Observers in dock- land believe it will be difficult for Bernie Vic Turner and Steer, others to counter any mass shut- down moves by the container and cold-storage employers. It would be another major rebuff for their tactics following their failure to CRITICISM of London's port shop stewards leadership during the national docks strike prompted Royal group leader Bernie Steer to call for a vote of confidence at yes- terday's mass meeting. Steer told about 600 men that whatever had been gained by the strike had only been achieved as a result of their policies.

He said the promise held out by Jones-Aldington of getting men off the unattached register was a clear step forward and he added: 'Now we are determined these promises into to turn guarantees.' In an undisguised reply to critics, Steer shouted: 'We have got policies, we have got recom- mendations and we are going to put them to you. He asked the men to continue to back the fight for the four points laid down by the national port shop stewards' committee.

These stipulate no redundan- cies, an end to the temporarily Press, Saturday August 26, 1972 PAGE 3 zoing the national ports strike keep 'If the militants' power can be broken now, the container men reason, the industry might then be in a position to wrest con- trol from them and start setting ing. Cocks back on a stable foot- This is the strategy of all port employers. With the collapse of the dockers' leadership and the acceptance of the derisory Jones- Aldington proposals they have kicking with and jumped in are both feet. As the bosses plan unfolds, the full monstrousness of the Stalin- ist stewards' failure to fight, ham- mer and claw for the docks strike becomes sickeningly to go on apparent. unattached register (TUR), the inclusion of all ports in the National Dock Labour Scheme and that stuffing and stripping must be carried out by dockers.

The campaign of blacking and picketing, he said, was the only way to put teeth into Jones- This had already Aldington. worked at Chobham Farm. Said Steer: 'We want an en- dorsement from you today to carry on the blacking and picket- ing and continue the ban on overtime until all dockers are in permanent employment.' Men had plainly not been volunteering to picket the Mid- land Cold Store and Steer appealed for any dockers with time off to join the pickets.

Voting to continue the fight for the national four-point pro- gramme and to carry on the blacking campaign was unanim- ous, but about six men voted against in the confidence vote.

A SIMILAR meeting of 500 dockers at Tilbury yesterday also passed a confidence motion pro- posed by the stewards and voted with only a handful against to continue the blacking.

Victor Feather, TUC general secretary, with Jack Jones, speaking at the February 21, 1971, one-day protest against the Industrial Relations BIll

THE LONG SAD TALE

PAGE 4 Workers Press, Saturday Augusl Victor Feather, TUC general secretary, The TUC's annual report reads like a long sad con- fession of inadequacy. In section after section the General Council report the policies they have pursued since the 103rd Congress last September, and section after section reveals disaster. The final sections of the report complete the indict- ment of reformism contained in its previous sections (already dealt with in Work- ers Press). The most powerful trade union movement in the world, which with 10 million members could smash the Tory govern- ment with one blow, is reduced to ineffectual protest politics.

economic The section on policy is typical. 'The General Council conducted a major campaign against the record post-war level of unemploy- ment, the TUC proudly proclaim. with what result? But Believe it or not, in 330 pages they fail to record the fact that unemployment is already on its way up again and will soon set even higher post-war records. Nowhere is socialism men- tioned. 'The 1972 Economic Review set out proposals for full employment and economic planning entailing an expan- sionary Budget, a more equit- able tax system, and structural reforms including a National Regional Manpower Board, Development Authorities and a Public Investment Agency.'

lay August 26, 1972 secretary, with Jack Jones, speaking at the fo With policies like these, the capitalist class must be really trembling! But despite the fact that no inroads at all have been made into the private ownership of the banks and industry, which is where the responsibility for anarchy of production the really lies, the General Coun- cil has the gall to add: "There is evidence that the TUC's advocacy has had marked influence on public opinion and has brought about a perceptible change of empha- sis in government policy?

Government policy has been right on backing the to go capitalist class to the hilt and, in a period of declining world markets, this means support- ing their aims to reduce unit price in labour costs at any order to compete with foreign firms.

TORY ATTACKS

It has meant vicious use of the Industrial Relations Court to break strikes and tame unions, a crude attempt to and reducing impose a fixed norm for pay increases, and a deliberate programme of money inflation to reduce the worth of real wages and pensions. Meanwhile the ruling class has gone on an orgy of specu- lation, some of it "legal' but much of it openly corrupt, without even the pretence by government to control it.

Nowhere is this mentioned in the TUC's so-called economic report. at the February 21, 1971, one-day protest agal The one aspect of this rake's progress of capitalism which • be they did latch on to - the floating of the pound - they actually welcomed at the time as being a sound move! The other plank of Tory policy has been the deliberate encouragement to British firms to slim themselves down and rationalize in readiness to join the Common Market in a desperate bid to recapture foreign trade. The most frantic trickery has been going on in parliament to get the EEC Bill through in time, against the clear wishes of the British working class.

All the TUC has to say is: "The General Council have campaigned against British membership of the Common Market on the terms nego- tiated, stressing the dispropor- tionate contribution Britain would pay into the Community Budget relative to Britain's and the adverse receipts, of adhering effects to the EEC's agricultural policy.

'The General Council have called for a reappraisal of the Common Market's policy of agricultural self-sufficiency and have criticized present plans for economic and monetary union.' The TUC's defence of the interests of the working class on the question of jobs has been no less limp. In November 1971, they were 'urging the government for immediate action to reverse the trend of mounting un- employment'. They were still urging the same thing by March this year, olest against the Industrial Relations BIll and the same cry is certain to be repeated this autumn as unemployment soars again and, what's more, the TUC know it.

And while they go on urging, the docks employers, for one, go on mechanising their indus- try and throwing workers on the scrapheap. And where has the TUC been during the dockers long struggle for jobs? Joining the state hierarchy in condemning the men's violence. From its March meeting with Heath, the TUC reports: 'The General Council replied that they were always willing to have discussions with the government, but that it was hard to see any meaningful dialogue taking place in the context of the Industrial Rela- tions Act.' But even while five dockers were lying in jail for their trade union activities later in the summer, the TUC leaders were embroiled in a long series of discussions with the govern- ment, which are still going on.

It is this involvement which is death to a real fight being put up against the class enemy, who do not hesitate to use any and every weapon against the working class. The TUC must be made to break off all talks with the Tory government and to use its industrial power to bring down this regime of grasping capitalists and speculators which is plundering the work- ing class. The Tory government may be planning to 'solve' the shortage of doctors— particularly in the psychi- atric and child-medicine fields—in a ruthless and dangerous fashion. Medical Social Workers can play an important part in the treatment of hospital patients by helping them to cope with many of the problems which weighing on their minds are and delaying their recovery.

They are not, however, doc- tors and have only the i most general idea of the medical condition of the people they are dealing with. Seebohm Committee, The which issued its report a few recommended months ago, that, amongst other things, the social welfare services should be integrated. This would mean that MSWs would no longer be employed by the National Health Service, but by local authorities and contracted out to the hospitals. Discussion about this has been raging amongst MSWs ever since the report appeared.

Whilst the British Associa- tion of Social Workers is pre- pared to go along with the recommendations, Seebohm most MSWs appear to oppose They feel they them. are specialists in a particular field of social work and if they are drawn into the local authori- ties both they and their pati- ents will suffer. In particular, whilst some have fairly local authorities good welfare services, many of them are notoriously • bad and people are quite unable to get to the help they need and which they are entitled. a well- Alistair Oliphant, known medico-political com- mentator, has now thrown a bombshell into the discussion.

Writing 'Social Worker' in August 18, 1972 he suggests Tory that government already has a secret plan both for MSWs and for the National Health Service. In view of the shortage of doctors, he says, plans are being prepared to train MSWs to become 'medical assistants'.

Working under a consultant, they could be used more and more as 'primary-care doctors', carrying out much of the treat- ment needed. They would be used, he believes, particularly in psychi- *rising atric work where the in every-day living' stresses are leading to more and more "crises' such as sudden nervous breakdowns attempted suicides so on, and in the treat- ment of children. If Oliphant is correct, it means that the Tory govern- ment, as part of its plans to whittle away the Health Ser- vice, is proposing to make up the shortage of trained doctors, not by training more, but by using social workers who will have only the most basic train- ing in medical matters. Thus government money will be saved, whilst the health of thousands of working-class people will be put at still greater risk.

Portugal'o Primo Mintator, Marcello Cal The armies of the Portuguese fascist state have launched a new, desperate campaign to root the liberation movement out of their African colony of Mozambique. They have been unable to break the resistance of the people in the liberated northern zone by Belson-like and pogroms and tortures they have adopted noW methods tried and tested in Vietnam. They have enlisted the aid of South African mercenary pilots to launch a chemical war to starve out the Frelimo guer- rillas from the liberated northern forest areas. The missions comprise defoliant-spraying planes escorted by heavily-armed air- craft. Their aim is to liquidate the hundreds of clearings made by the local people where crops to feed the guerrilla armies can be grown. The plants include maize, beans, peas, ground-nuts and bananas. One of the chemicals used is Convolotox, which not only destroys broad-leafed plants but can also stop fertilization.

This means the sprayed area could become completely dead for years in the future. News of the campaign broke just as the Portuguese out Prime Minister, Marcello Caetano, was busily denying that his armies were waging a colonial war in Africa. He also claimed that there was no evidence of population in revolt and internal uprisings in Angola, Mozambique or Portuguese Guinea. The South Africans were assured the area was cleared of guerrillas, but much to their unease they witnessed thous- ands of cartridge shells litter- ing the base. As they skimmed over the thick jungle disgorging their deadly cloud, a Portuguese fighter swooped ahead firing machine-guns and rockets into the brush. Overhead two jets dropped 100-kilo and 50-kilo bombs. reelio cactano denies his armies South African plane One and a Portuguese jet bought from the US were hit by guer- rilla machine-gun fire and the project was cut short, much to the relief of the Portuguese pilots, whose morale—in com- . with that of the whole mon colonial army—is at a very low ebb. The South Africans managed to spray only a fraction of the area, and the mission appears to have been an expensive failure. The Portuguese may, however, launch bigger opera- tions to smash Frelimo's grow- ing hold over their colony.

Over the past few months much of Mozambique's north- Tete province has western slipped from Portuguese con- trol. The army is restricted to towns and fortified posts and is only able to move along main roads. Latest figures show that in the three months from Decem- ber to February, Portugal lost at least 197 men. Six trains were blown up, 22 vehicles destroyed, two bridges blown nine posts and two up and concentration camps attacked.

In all 26 major ambushes were launched and an aircraft shot down in the region of Mague. eye-witness An report recently revealed that the two of the troops mottos are: 'Bring home all your skin, in- cluding that on your heels, and 'No heroics'. One officer young was reported as saying: In Guiné, Angola and Mozambique it is really rare to find anyone who with seeks engagement an guerrillas. If you can run away without too many risks, well, so much the better.' Another soldier, a young worker, gave a vivid account of life in the combat zone.

I remember very well that in the zone of Bafata, we lived underground all day. "To go for a piss you had to reach a trench some 15 metres away. You knew there were snipers in the trees round the camp, so that every time you • relieved yourself you risked your life. waging a colonial war in Africa 'And there was fear, dense fear. People were silent. No one spoke. Often there wasn't enough to eat, but there was • to drink: beer always plenty and wine. You got drunk to overcome your terror' These conditions create such demoralization and terror that the troops - often backward peasants living under the dic- tatorship at home-develop a savage racialism against the black population. This is encouraged by the officers and some of the sorties into the forest have been accompanied by the most hideous crimes against the people. Recently a Portuguese priest a dossier out of smuggled Portugal to Rome. There he revealed mass slaughter of villages. In one, troops tortured people to make them eat the bodies of their own children.

The is, however, army gradually losing its war.

More and more areas are going over to the natives. On her own Portugal is unable to fight a large scale engagement in colonies. her The new danger is support from South Africa and America. A Frellmo fighter

CARRILLO'S

'OPEN' METHODS

MEAN PRISON

IN FASCIST SPAIN

'Marxism August's To- day, the theoretical jour- nal of the Communist Party, prints a translation of extracts from a speech made by Santiago Car- rillo at a central com- of the mittee meeting Spanish Communist Party in September 1970. The speech itself is a clear example of the way in which Spanish Stalinists prepared be- trayals of the workers' struggle against Franco. The main theme of the party line in 1970 was the need 'to come to the surtace of freedom, of areas bases struggle' Carrillo explains how through a fight for democracy, workers won the possibility of organiz- ing strikes, meetings, and of which demonstrations-all previously regarded were 'From the strike regarded under the law as a crime oI insurrection to the strike as everyday practice.' This democracy dovetails neatly with the pro- of the liberal clergy, of intelligentsia and the youth all classes who want progres- sive 'national harmony'. Any criticism of this 'coming to the surface' and any con- building cept of an under- ground glibly movement labelled 'ultra-leftist' and 'anti- Leninist'. Since the speech is described by 'Marxism Today' as 'impor- material' tant background on the 'great struggles in Spain', it is worthwhile recording what has happened to Party mem- bers following this policy out.

Since the defeat Spanish Spanish lived under workers nave This means fascist dictatorship. that strikes, trade unions in- dependent of the state and political parties of opposition Spanish working chas has re illegal. Although gained its strength and building illegal organizations, the the fascist measures dictatorship still remain.

Some recent events show the criminal dangers in Carrillo's 'open' methods

SHOT

the strike by During car- workers at the Seat plant in Barcelona at the end of last the police surrounded ycal. factory and prepared to the attack the workers who were occupying it. The Communisi Party leadership of the wor. kers' commission in the factory insisted on trying to persuade the police of the justice of our demands' and began to argue with fascist police chiefs Within a few minutes police had entered the factory and had shot at least three workers.

These died within worker hours. In June a local meeting of a workers' commission was OI Bar- ganized in a town near celona. was organized by party members and along the lines by Carrillo laid down Eighty or were SO called to a wood by the park in the town in the early even- when it was still light. ing of Despite the presence passers-by (some obviously the bourgeois),

DIOS OCTOU

Party members insisted that no defence pickets or guards were necessary: they were showing would 'how democracy won' Press, Saturday August 26, 1972 PAGE 5 Sections of the meeting argued about the need for guards, and organized lookouts strategically-placed around the wood. Within a few minutes a guard appeared; a car complete with civil guard was on its way. The car, with gun-barrels pointing out of its windows, soon drove up as the workers rushed in all directions. The civil guard succeeded in shoot- ing one worker. The secret police have been concentrating their activity on breaking up Communist Party cells and have had success in several towns. At a Public Order Tribunal Madrid in July, over 20 in Party members and supporters given sentences ranging were from eight years to ten months.

The main crimes were possess- ing copies of the party press and holding illegal meetings. They will join, in Madrid prisons, the majority of the of the national committee workers' commissions, as well as numerous building workers arrested during an April strike Santiago Carrillo However, Carrillo's line has shifted considerably since Sep- tember 1970. The task of the party then . was to take control of the workers' movement and guide it behind the democratic oppo- sition; strikes and the General Strike were part of the demo- cratic 'coming to the surface'.

The policy of Carrillo is now to bring the working-class be- 'neo-centrist' hind the ten- dency in Franco's government that is for entry into the Common Market, which has now become his panacea for the workers' movement. Recent issues of 'Mundo Obrero' have dropped the call for a General Strike, which used to appear in every issue.

The latest policy statement has only this to say about strikes and demonstrations: 'The repetition of the same forms of struggle is often counter-productive'. Not a word about areas of freedom.

the Perhaps editors of 'Marxism Today' would like to bring their readers up to date on the positions of S: Carrillo.

They could start with this statement: 'We Communists do not want to make opposi- tion to entry into the Common nes Market ground for battle.

'We denounce the mono- polist capitalist structure it has in the same way we condemn the present structure of Spain.

in the same way as the But solution is not to leave Spain but to transform its socio- economic structures in a general way the solution for the European proletariat is to capitalist structures transform into socialist ones ... on a European basis.'

PAGE 6 Workers Press, Saturday August 26, 1972 In the forefront of the attacks on immigrants is the londay Club, a right-wing ginger group in the Toi arty. In this article ALEX MITCHELL looks at th history of the club and examines some of its person- alities and policies. a Blimpish seeking For a political group law and order anda ban on group which captures headlines immigration.' almost daily, the Monday the event the vote went In Club is a the Blimps. Guinness, little-known to of the multi-million- member outfit. ound brewing family, won by The names of its members 576 votes to 228. remain something of a secret.

His election caused great After the last General Elec- the ranks. For not elation in tion there was great jollifica- only had the club won a son of the City of London, but it the club's head- tion in had gained also of quarters in Victoria, London, blue-chip background. 29 members because were of the ruling In the salons elected. the name is class Guinness Who were they? asked the extremely influential. After all, Suddenly, however, press. isn't Paul Channon, another there was shyness. 'You could Guinness member of the have most of the names, but Minister family, a junior in some of the don't members William Whitelaw's Ulster want any publicity about their Office, doing well for very membership' himself? The club's political signific- ance can be reckoned by the fact that it from has come

HOME

1961 having obscurity in •to three in senior ministers Heath's government: Geoffrey The day after he was elected Common Rippon, the chief Guinness made at least part of Market ¡egotiator; Julian his philosophy known to the the Housing Minister public in a cryptic message. legislated club He said he hoped the would become the 'spiritual council rents; and John Peyton, and political home for the Transport Minister, who was He added: industrial classes'. of the behind the setting up •I do not mean the working Jones-Aldington committee to classes. We all work, at least smash jobs on the docks. I do.' Although the club and its Guin- In another interview members are publicity-shy, the ness showed stuff which and then every now the veil endears him so mightily to the is mpsed of its workings.

lifted enough for He condemned the right wing. Such 'treason of the educated' and occasion recent an was the called for a return 'to the election of a new chairman. of and principles honour The election became neces- which, he said, the decency' sary following the resignation intellectuals had been trying Tory of George Pole, coun- very hard to rub out. cillor in the Royal Borough It's the sort of crude, skin- of Kensington and Chelsea.

head rhetoric which the petty It was a two-way contest. bourgeois lap up. Richard Body, MP for Holland- The election wasn't without the candi- with Boston, was its muck-raking. date of the 'left', and Jonathan Voters received an anony- Guinness (42), a merchant mous leaflet quoting an In- banker, stood for the 'right'. of Race Relations stitute article which described Guin- ness as a race hardliner and of Body member the British Caribbean Association.

claimed Body's The the article supporters association, that an attempt was made to said, Commons-based was 'a 'slip in' Guinness without body designed work for proper contest. They demanded harmony between the races'. a postal ballot, but were told If there was anything to seal Body's fate, that was it. it would take too long. In March they called For there is one thing which special general meeting which sets the swords rattling in the Club, and that's people who voted overwhelmingly for Subsequently are 'soft' on immigrants.

postal ballot. The sent to club described voting papers were has been as 1,700 members and 'obsessive' about race; indeed, national the votes were counted in the it about Toryism and was first week in the racialism that the club origin- of lune club's office along from ally sprang to life. just It and Harold Scotland Yard was 1961 Writing about the power Macmillan was touring Africa.

'Guardian' Much the chagrin of struggle report to said: The Monday Club will Verwoerd and the ruling Nationalist Party, Macmillan decide tonight whether it insisted wants to be a right-wing force, on visiting the hostile to British government policies colonies first. aid to industry, he arrived in of financial Eventually South Africa where the white supremacists were on the brink of legislating enormous con- stitutional machinery to estab- apartheid lish on a more terror-ridden basis. Macmillan over-publicized made his 'winds of change speech. One of the places where the speech caused a backlash was Chelsea. " Paul Bristol, an ex-army officer and shipbroker, was so disturbed by the new Toryism of Macmillan and Butler that he declared the day of 'winds of change Black Monday. With a group of friends they began meeting regularly 'stop the rot in Chelsea to the Tory "principles. They were fighting the 'neo-socialist betrayal', they declared.

When asked about the Bow Group, the ginger group of the 'left' in the Tory Party, one of the clubbers said emphatic- ally: "They airy-fairy are Left fellows of Tory the fringe, either pseudo-liberal or pale - pink fellow - travelling Labourites, a latterday breed of Butskellites.' Although the Club began with political amateurs in the front positions, its roots have deep always gone into the Tory establishment. Bristol's two main backers were the Marquess of Salisbury and Viscount Boyd of Merton. Salisbury The late Lord red in wielded enormous power in the Tory Party and served as Colonial Secretary during the 1950s. Much of the prepara- tion for launching the Club went on at his ancestral home, Hatfield House, at Farnsworth.

Here they gathered to eat steak - and - mushroom pie with Pomerol washed down 1959 to discuss 'a return to the principles and integrity of Toryism'. Salisbury was a direct des- cendant of Robert Cecil, a leading Minister of both Queen Elizabeth I and James I, while another ancestor, third of Salisbury, Marquess was Prime Minister three times in the Victorian period. One of the early meetings at Salisbury's mansion was attended by Selwyn Lloyd, now the Speaker of the House, and another old Cabinet colleague, Lord Chandos, a leading in- dustrialist. The other figure, Lord Boyd, is better known as Alan Lennox-Boyd, who, as Colonial Secretary, administered during the bloody repression of the independence movement Kenya. in the inaugural list of But office-bearers none of these dignatories took prominent or public places. Apart from Bristol, the notable appoint- vice-chairman ments were: and (25), Angus Nicol, in law; Greig (35), secretary former treasurer secretary company, In days it was to be- Tory Party. the centre Heath government. include ranks MPs like prominent Ronald Bell, Jasper More, John Hastings, Harold Woodnutt Geoffrey Stewart-Smith. Its witch-hunt against the Young Socialists' annual summer camp, is the unrivalled wizard.

Although never bothered to join (he dislikes description), labels of any Powell is their mouthpiece on this subject. policy pamphlet In a en- titled 'Who Goes Home?' the Club advocated Powell's view that Commonwealth immi- grants who don't take out should British be citizenship deported. The Club also called for repatriation boards to re- place race conciliation boards and a ban on letting in dependants. Freddie Stockwell, an ex- Foreign Office man who was the full-time director, told the Sunday Times' in 1969: 'We supported a stand made by Ian Smith and people flocked in to us. "Then Enoch Powell was dropped from the Shadow Cabinet and people came to us again. It's a dreadful thing that a man of Powell's calibre was ever dropped.' In membership one year rose almost 200 per cent.

It was in the 12 months last General preceding the that the Club first Election flexed its political muscle- and this caused some disquiet in the crusty clubrooms in Pall Mall. For one thing, the Club had been busy in the constituencies Trip Kirsi! organizing candidates threaten- ing to displace 'lefties' like Nigel Fisher, the Tory MP for Surbiton. It was their cam- paign against Fisher which prompted Harold Wilson attack the 'fascist-minded in- filtrators' who had penetrated the local commanding heights of the Conservative Party. In herdic of Sue bitoned the 'skin- But if the club was working against the Old Guard-the Macmillanites - it certainly wasn't opposed to the 'quiet revolution' proposed by Heath. The manifesto produced at the Seldon conference before the election months could have been written by the Club itself.

CONSCIENCE

Freddie Stockwell said: 'We conscience of are the the We stand for true Party. Conservatism. We believe Mr Heath is taking us there.'

The Club jumped into the election campaign with enor- vigour, providing mous local scaremongering to back up the leader's soft sell.

For example, when Heath talked blandly television on about building 'one nation' , it was the Monday Clubbers ir the constituencies who explained that this meant long-haired demon and prosecuting the hirst claimed by the Club after version'. Contribution Council for completely infiltrated by com- nunists. purpose those who break law lefend and order • eytraordinart pronouncement Soref completely into orbit: "Tolo vision and the BBC hove hear criticized by no change "There heen except for the worse publish.

worse dedicated to DrO- Dating all t ideas we've left-wing propaganda enry Stewart-Smith foster George Workers Press, Saturda Left: Last year's Monday Club Ball. Above: En 'We must begin to scare the pansies those pants at Broadcasting House. We have got the BBC on the run. They are getting scared.' And this is precisely the whole point of the Club—it the corporation's have board of governors 'on the run. And by the middle of last year a semi-judicial tribunal headed _by Lord Parker, the former Lord Chief Justice, was operating at the

BBC

a as sort of Star Chamber inquiring into the making of pro- grammes.

LITTLE FUSS

Of course the Club didn't humble the BBC on its own.

But it is a measure of its political maturity that it was able to get the Heath govern- ment to move against the corporation with so little fuss.

The Club is extremely sen- sitive about its connections with extreme right groups like the National Front and the fascists. After John Ormowe told the 'Daily Mirror' he was a fan of Hitler's, he was expelled, and Stockwell in another inter- view explained that member- ship is 'selective'. 'Not any one can join,' he said. 'We think that from time to time National Front people decide they can use us and try to get in but we catch most of them. We've only had to expel two or three members because they belonged to the Front.' Its most interesting political bond today is with the Ulster Unionists, the reactionary Tory Party in Northern Ire- land, which is behind the para-military Ulster Defence Association. The Club's connections with groups in Ulster forced a spokesman to say last week- end that the Club was in no way connected with gun-run- ning to the Loyalist vigilantes.

To dismiss the Club as a rkers Prece, Saturday Auguel 28, 1872 PAQE 7 Club Ball. Above: Enoch Powell at same.

load of cranks would be a dangerous mistake. It represents a clear trend in the politics of the Tory Party. It now has the ex-Etonian Guinness, an ex-head of the Club's action fund, as chair- Stockwell, man. And Freddie the other 'Old Guard' member, been replaced as full- time director by Commander Michael Woolrych (45), who left the Royal Navy to go straight into his job at the Club. Acknowledged membership is now 8,000 including 34 MPs and 35 peers. The Club has picked up fresh Heath's support as into one government rides crisis after another. After the euphoria of the first 12 months of Heath's rule, disenchant- ment has now set in. Heath has failed to deliver to the right wing on a number of issues. Sanctions are still in operation against Rhodesia, arms are not being officially sold to South Africa, there is no on the entry immigrants, there has been little denationalization of industry. The Club wholeheartedly Industrial approves of the Relations Act but deplores the tame-fisted way the govern- ment is employing it. And every time Heath hands out another subsidy to industry, time he flinches from every launching an all-out onslaught on the unions, the Club gains new members. The milieu gathered around the Club now ranges from the gentry, through ex-wing com- colonels, manders and to middle management and small businessmen from Dorking.

It is already a group exer- considerable influence cising inside and outside Sided rancial with political financial connections which are not able to be exactly defined. What's crucial for the work- ing class to grasp is that the fringe-dwellers of the Tory Party are moving into the main stream.

From the Dockers' Tanner Strike 1889 to Devlin 1967. An historical series on the organization of the dockers by Jack Gale

THE COMING OF THE BLUE'

PAGE 8 Workers Press, Saturday Augus From the Dockers' Tai

PART 9

Despite their howls of anguish at the damage done by striking dockers, the shipowners' profits continued to climb in the 1950s. For example, the profits of 57 shipping undertakings that issued annual reports in 1952 rose from £63m to over £96m. At the end of that year British shipping companies had reserves of over £278m. Noth- ing of that was used to improve workers' facilities on the docks. These employers — particu- larly after the failure of the prosecution of the seven dock- ers in 1951—relied upon the right-wing leadership of the Transport and General Work- ers' Union to control their membership. And these leaders did their best to oblige. Again and again militants coming up before Dock Labour Board tribunals found these union officials just as anxious to discipline them as the employers-if not more so.

Militants also faced attack within the union itself. For example one of the seven dockers involved in the 1951 court case-Harry Con- stable-had been expelled from the T&GWU for being a leader of the 1949 strike. Yet the men continued to work with Constable even though he had no union card. Indeed in January 1954, 3,000 men walked off the West India and Millwall docks because Constable had been refused work. The strike lasted two days, and at the end of it the employers were compelled not only to promise that Constable would not be victimized, but also to grant him the personal right to approach or interview any foreman, warehouseman or port superintendent! To ensure that this pledge was honoured, every man in the dock stood back from the call-stand on the days immedi- ately after the strike until Constable had been allocated work. This support of Constable was an act of defiance directed against the leaders of the This was soon to

T&GWU.

take another form. In January 1954, a port employer reported a member (the 'Blue' union) to the Dock for refusing to Labour Board work overtime. Board suspended the The man from work for two days.

The NASDU then declared that its members would work from 8.00 a.m. to 5.00 p.m., until the Dock Labour Board and the employers accepted that overtime was 'voluntary.

They were supported by the 4,200-strong Watermen, Light- ermen, Tugmen and Barge- men's Union. This overtime ban lasted for over six months. The dispute centred around what interpretation should be given to a clause in the National Dock Labour Schem.

which read: 'A registered dock worker shall ... work for such periods as are reasonable in his parti- cular case.' The employers said this meant overtime was compul- sory and the men insisted it was voluntary. During the overtime ban over 67,000 cases accumulated day August 26, 1972 ers' Tanner Strike 1889 to Devlin 1 Birkonhead dockers, members of NASD of awaiting disciplinary men action for refusing overtime!

But although voluntary principle for overtime was a including the all unions T&GWU-the T&GWU leader- Ship retused to take any action at all and would not support the stevedores' and watermen's unions. Indeed the leaders of the 'Blue' were later to allege that the T&GWU poached members from them during the overtime ban. However that may be, the refusal of the T&GWU leader- to fight on this issue created enormous dissatisfac- tion on the docks. Discontent was still simmer- ing about the overtime ban when another issue arose—-this time in Hull. In August, 1954, a group of dockers from Wales was sent to Hull to alleviate a temporary labour shortage. They were allocated to a grain ship.

In Hull there were no suc- tion fillers for unloading grain.

It was done by means of hand- scuttles, the dockers actually standing in the hold amongst the grain. The Welsh dockers said this was not only unpleasant and dangerous but 'prehistoric' and they refused to do it. Accordingly they were taken off the ship and Hull men ordered in. Not surprisingly, the Hull men refused. Thus began the Filling Strike'. This strike was inter- esting because it revealed the hypocrisy of the employers' usual claim that workers strike because they are against pro- gress. Here were workers striking modern, scientific to get methods of work utilized and the employers refusing for the Devlin 1967. An historical series on 1 of NASD the 'Blua' Union, march for the roc good old-fashioned reason that it wasn't profitable. But the consequences of this strike were more important than the immediate issue.

4,000 men were ivolved in 'Filling Strike' the and they complained that the officials of the T&GWU were just not interested. They claimed that these off- cials spoke only to the employ- ers, accepted all the employers' claims and refused even to come on the ships to see the conditions under which the men were expected to work.

Such complaints were not new — but the action that followed was. By September 1954, 2,500 Hull dockers had applied to join the National Amalga- mated Stevedores and Dockers, which at that time had no members in the northern ports.

After some initial hesitation, the London-based NASDU leaders decided to accept them and the floodgates opened.

Over 2,000 men signed for the 'Blue' in Birkenhead, big inroads were made into the T&GWU's 27,000 members in Liverpool and considerable recruitment took place in Man- chester. The T&GWU leaders could not stop them, though they tried hard enough. of September At the end P. J. O'Hare, the Merseyside district of secretary the T&GWU threatened to join with the employers in locking out Birkenhead dockers who had signed to join the 'Blue' The grounds were that the National Dock Labour Scheme the in the northern ports applied ries on the organization of the docke or the recognition of their unlon in Spring, 191 only to the Transport and Gen- eral Workers' Union. He went even further. The Birkenhead branch of the T&GWU posted notices inviting 1,000 men to register with them for dock work. The who had signed for the men 'Blue' could, it claimed, no longer be on the register of portworkers. These efforts failed. Discon- tent with the leadership of the T&GWU had boiled over. The sources of this discon- tent expressed were very clearly in a letter from six Manchester dockers which was published in the Trotskyist 'Socialist Outlook' paper On September 17, 1954. The complaints these work- ers listed were: I That paid officials of the T&GWU were in office for life. 2 : That T&GWU officials were not elected but were selected by a committee of full-time officials who had themselves been selected by the same process. , That the general secretary 3 could not be removed by a straight majority but required two-thirds majority against a him, otherwise he was there for life. 4 That the union's block vote was misused at TUC and Labour Party conferences. It reflected the views of the lead- ership and not of the member- ship. 5 That the union's rules revision conference met once every five years. 6 That the views of the rank- and-file member in the branches were stifled by stall- ing tactics higher up and by union procedure that was deliberately tortuous. the T&GWU For years leadership had ignored such e dockers by Jack Gale - pring, 1855 complaints as these. Now was paying the price. But the bureaucracy fought of back. It had the support of the TUC — after all, if T&GWU members could get away with this sort of thing, there was no saying what would happen.

'Blue' union The was expelled from the TUC for breaching the Bridlington Agreement. (That is, the rule that said one union must not poach members from another.)

BULWARK

Although the 'Blue' leaders claimed that the T&GWU had poached from them during the overtime ban and though they argued correctly that people vere voluntarily resigned from the T&GWU and joining them, the bureaucracies still united against them. equally hos- The press was tile. 'The Times' complained that the NASD had inadequate control over its members - why, union decisions were sometimes taken at mass meet- ings? The Labour leaders were horrified. The T&GWU leaders were the bulwark of the right wing, nothing should be allowed to them. In Hull men weaken were actually expelled from the Labour Party for joining the 'Blue' Last but not least, the Com- munist Party rallied to Dea- kin's support. The Stalinists had no desire then - any more than now-to break from the trade union bureaucracy.

So the battle for the 'Blue' was on. Ich CONTINUED ON MONDAY

King George V In Belfast where he issi 'Englishmen and Irish troubles: and British public opinion making of Irish policy, 1918-1922 , by D. G. Boyce (Jonathan Cape, 250pp. £4.50.) The oppressions in Ire. land since the despatch of British troops there by the Labour government in 1969 have stimulated a flood of books on Irish history. This volume, however, is one of the less useful products of the period. It purports to be a study of the effect of something called public opinion' "British on government policy in Ireland the end of World between War I and the outbreak of the Irish civil war in 1922. In fact it consists mainly of items culled from 'The Times' 'Manchester Guardian' 'Daily Telegraph', 'Daily Mail' and numerous lesser journals down to and including the 'Leather- head and Dorking Advertiser' daunting enough task, A certainly, but one which can- not replace political under- standing. ruling-class journals, These of course, in no sense reflected the opinions of the majority of the British people-that is, of the working class. Yet we are repeatedly pre- sented with the faceless 'British public'. We are told that: • 'The British people were determined that any new solu- tion must be set in the British political tradition; there was no room for a republic'; • 'British public opinion was seeking a way of reconciling Irish Nationalist aspirations with the monarchical British system'; re he issued the 'appeal' which split the Sinn Public opinion persuaded Lloyd George to discard his Home Rule blinkers.' On top of all this, the Lloyd George regime is presented as 'the British people and its government. In fact, of course, Lloyd George (the craftiest Liberal since Gladstone) had held on power by springing to the post-war 'khaki elections' and promising the working class 'a land fit for heroes to live in' But just as the reader comes to believe that Boyce is going to have to tell us what this 'public opinion' really con- sists of, he forestalls us: "The term "public opinion" seems to require some defini- tion, but I have decided that in this case definitions are a barrier to progress!' On top of all this vagueness, we come very close to getting the stage Irishman - the one who, as everyone knows, 'loves a fight'. The continual struggle of the Irish oppressed masses against British imperialism is presented as the product of some sort of 'cussedness': 'No sooner had the English worked out an answer, than the Irish survey of British press A attitudes • to Ireland could be useful. It is interesting to note, for example, that in 1919 Lord French, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was demanding that 'the rebels be seized and put in concentration camps... as had been done in the Boer War' But such a survey could only be of value if presented as a study of the conflicting views of sections of the British expressed ruling class, as their journalistic through mouthpieces. The decisive factor influen- cing the British ruling class was not some kind of non- material 'public opinion' faithfully reflected through honest newspapers. (Nor, indeed, was it what Boyce chooses to see as Lloyd George's 'unenviable lot. A of Irish great number men and women might have considered the Welsh Wizard's considerably lot as more enviable than theirs.) The decisive factor was the hard material fact that the first imperialist world war had convulsed the whole of capitalism. the Sinn Fein movement England and her first colony were caught up in these con- vulsions. In 1916, the heroic Easter challenged Rising had might of British imperialism, three years earlier the as Dublin workers had challenged that of Murphy and his British backers. And the revulsion against the 1914-1918 slaughter had finally destroyed the last shreds of credibility clinging to John Redmond's Irish pro-war Parliamentary Party. Lloyd George had to seek to come to terms with these new well as the old forces, as Unionist forces, at a Ulster time when he faced real danger from his own working class.

He solved this problem in time-honoured the Liberal manner. He told lies to both sides. He told the Nationalists that partition would be tem- porary and the Unionists that it would be permanent. The Nationalists were then faced with a constitution based on loyalty to the British Crown. This was forced on Ireland by guns and bayonets.

Boyce has so little under- standing of these events- despite his copious reading of just about every article written seriously them-that he on tells us that it was 'the King's [George V] moving appeal for and reconciliation peace [which] helped break the dead- lock between the British gov- ernment and Sinn Fein' (page 144). Such monumental misunder- standing can only leave the reader aghast. The 'peace' and 'reconcilia- tion' took the form of Lloyd the Sinn Fein George telling leaders that if they did not accept the oath of loyalty to the British Crown, the British government would extract such loyalty in the usual manner— at the end of a rifle. It was this 'moving appeal' which split the Sinn Fein, with De Valera opposing acceptance and Griffith and Collins advo- cating it. The British imperial govern- ment then showed its moving concern for peace and recon- ciliation by arming the Griffith-Collins faction and precipitating the Irish civil war. One can only wonder at Boyce's achievement in amass- ing so many facts and failing to understand a single one of them. Workers Press, Sa

PROGRESS

Progress has now been made towards an early pregnancy show which would test whether a baby would suffer from spina bifida or anen- cephaly. Spina bifida is a severe spinal deformity which usually results in the victim having to spend a lifetime in a wheel- chair. Anencephaly is the failure of the brain to grow in an embryo. Both congenital mal- are formations and the chance of occurring is as high as them one in 20 in families in which blood relative has been a l affected. are an estimated There 100,000 cases of spina bifida in Britain. The advantage of recogni- tion before birth, of course, is that the pregnancy could be terminated. When tests to recognize in unborn babies mongolism developed and were some doctors advocated voluntary abortions for women carrying babies, the Catholic such 'Society for the Protection of the Unborn Child' raised an outery. Will this reactionary organ- ization now start campaigning women to be compelled for against their wishes to give birth to babies without proper backbones or without brains?

POULSON

EXPORTED

It seems that the Poulson affair is an exportable com- modity and will be found wherever you find capitalism in crisis. For something along similar lines is about to break in Cali- fornia, involving the publisher Times' of the 'Los Angeles the Attorney-General of Cali- fornia and a host of famous people yet to be named. Otis Chandler, publisher of the 'Times', ', has apparently been busy in his spare time rounding well-known up people of some prestige to back the speculative ventures of his friend Jack Burke, who collected money to engage in oil-drilling schemes. Unfortunately for his cre- ditors, Burke seems to have done other things with this money than drill for oil.

Money invested in Geo Tek Resources Fund Inc was div- Press, Saturday August 26, 1972 PAGE 9 erted into a number of other controlled by the operations same Burke, who also managed to unload a number of worth- less properties on Geo Tek for enormous prices. 'Now Burke, who can't pay his bills, faces fraud charges and accusations of misappro- priation of funds and breach of statutory duty. A large number of important people-from "Times' ехеси- tives and political and society figures to Hollywood stars- are short to the tune of $30m.

"Times' publisher Chandler used his name and influence to line up contacts, friends and sources of finance for Burke.

Otls Chandler (top) and Burke One of his group was Evelle Younger, the state's Attorney- General. His claim to fame is the consistent championing of the death penalty and stronger 'law and order' methods. Younger, along with others, was 'lent' money by Burke to invest in his project, bring in and others generally see that things went smoothly and without interference. Not unnaturally, therefore, Younger could never quite bring himself round to investi- gate Burke's activities. That's some law and order!

LEON TROTSKY:

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PAGE 10 Workers Press, Saturday August 26, 1972

BY PHILIP WADE

threatened with the complete closure of the studios Lion, the of British FILM technicians at owner

LICW

assets-stripper John Bentley.

Middlesex, Shepperton, Various branches of British have voted for the next Lion's assets have already been hived off, including Pearl and Labour government to Dean, Dover Street offices the immediately renationalize and Lion Pacesetter Productions.

the studios under wor- 'Chief fear is that Bentley- head of Barclay Securities-will kers' control and without close down Shepperton and hand compensation. valuable real estate over the to developers at a vast property Thursday profit A meeting on It would mean more film called for the night also 8.0- employment in an industry hard nationalization of any other hit by chronic joblessness.

major film studios in finan- Thursday's well-attended meet- cial difficulties. ing also demanded the 'blacking' Lion films made of any British Technicians at Shepperton are outside Shepperton passed de- Another motion manded that indoor film work shot outside the studios be driven back to Shepperton.

TUC

asked to The was also effect pledges of support already given to the Shepperton workers.

Alan Sapper, general secretary of the Association of Cinema- Television and Allied tograph, told yesterday Technicians, Workers Press: 'We had a very from the meeting. ood response has Now a lot of hard work be put into giving effect te decisions made 'We are up against one of the most powerful assets-strippers in and must country, we mobilize the entire workforce in the film industry to fight him.'

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Or months. Full subscription (six days) for Name Address Amount enclosed £ Building workers from many 1 Lancaster-joined a building w strike for the full claim.

BY ALEX MITCHELL

THE SUGGESTION is being mooted that the building workers' strike for better pay and hours should be referred to the CBI-TUC voluntary conciliation machinery which into operation next comes Friday. Two of the promoters of this Victor Feather and plan are electricians' leader Frank Chapple, whose members are still working on a large number of sites under union instruc- tions. George Smith, general sec- retary of the biggest building union, UCATT, and chairman of is

TUC

General Council, believed to be not unsympathetic to the idea. immense dangers in There are this proposal. They can be seen if the names on the 12-man panel of conciliators are studied.

The list, published on Thurs- day, is a neat division of trade bureaucrats and labour- union from big business. relations men One of them, in fact, is a former director the building em- ployers' federation. includes Bob The union side Wright, Labour 'left' member of the executive council Amalgamated Union of Engineer- ing Workers, who is often sup- ported by the Communist Party; WillPaynter, ex-Communist Party member who was former secretary of the National Union of Mineworkers; and Dick Sea- brook, president of the Union of and Allied Shop, Distributive Workers, one of the unions now trying to extricate itself from registration under the Industrial Relations Act. Sid Other union men are former president of Robinson, the National Union of Footwear, Leather and Allied Trades; Jack King, general secretary of the of Textile and National Union Allied Workers; and Les Williams, staff-side secretary of the National Whitley Council. The management team consists of representatives from some of the most profitable and ruthless businesses in Britain, which are completely tied up with Tory policies. include G. Gilbertson, They personnel general manager with ICI. The new chairman of the CBI is Michael Clapham, one of ICI's top executives. ICI, Britain's biggest industrial has just become complex, world's largest chemical company.

According to the magazine 'Chemical Insight', the £1,400m ICI giant has just wrested first from the American-based place Du Pont corporation

ICI

figured prominently in many parts of the North West - ( ilding workers' march through Bolto Would-be concillator Wright confronted | strike. supporting the Tories' drive into the Common Market. Another management executive panel is also from a the on staunchly pro-Market company.

He is D. J. Flunder, a director of the Dunlop Rubber Co which is now merged with Pirelli of Italy. A director of Dunlop prior the his appointment to Cabinet was Reginald Maudling, the ex-Home Secretary. Also on the panel is P. Brad- the director of industrial bury, relations with the Imperial Tobacco_group whose chairman is Sir John Partridge, former head of the CBI. Partridge was knighted by the Tories. are director ol The others deputy managing director Joseph Lucas; G. E. D. Halahan, managing director of Round Oak Steel Works; and Peter Trench, chairman of J. Lovell (Holdings), one of the firms currently fight- ing the building workers. Trench Jest — Openshaw, Preston and h Bolton to demand an all-out onfronted by miners' pickets during thelr was NFBTE director and member of Labour's Prices and Incomes Board. Workers should put no faith

TUC-CBI

whatsoever this body in their fight for decent wages. scheme It represents a scrambled together by the right- in the trade wing leadership business big and the unions, in the aftermath of the Tories miners' strike. The trade unions were at no stage given mandate by their a members to join this treacherous enterprise with the employers.

Every worker knows the phoniness of arbitration. And with unemployment now at 1 million, rate of investment falling, big business cannot and will not pay decent wages. This joint panel is a prescription. for wage-cutting. The building wor- kers, in particular, must be warned Moscow Trials Anthology Paperback, 62½р

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BBC 1

10.00 9.40 Before the event. 10.30 Athlete. Weather. 10.05 Olympic grandstand. 10.40, 1.35, 2.05, 4.35 International cricket.

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Opening cere- mony. 12.10 Weather.

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2.20 Come lasses and lads. 3.00 international One-day cricket. England v Australia.

CHAM-

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3.15 CIVILIZATION: 'The Wor.

ship of Nature.

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9.00-9.30 Nai zindagi naya jeevan.

11.00-11.30 Seeing and believing.

11.45 World of Abbott and Cos- tello. 12.59 News. 1.07 Olympic grandstand. 6.05 NEWS and weather.

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Gymnastics. 7.25

THE BLACKPOOL TOWER

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: FILM: 'Bad Day at Black 8.15 Rock'. Tracy, Spencer Robert Ryan, Ernest Borg- nine, Lee Marvin. A one- armed stranger meets trouble in a small Western town. 9.35 NEWS and weather.

OMNIBUS AT THE PROMS.

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TODAY AT THE OLYMPIC

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1.45, 2.15, 2.45 Racing from New- castle. 2.55 Olympics 72. 4.50 Results service. 5.10 News and Olympics. 5.20 Sale of the cen- tury. 5.50 Sez Les. 6.30 WHO DO YOU DO? Fred- die Starr and Peter Good- wright. 7.00 FILM: 'The Swordsman'. Larry Parks, Ellen Drew. A Scottish Highlander re- to his ancestral turns home and falls in love. 8.20

POLICE 5.

8.30 SATURDAY VARIETY. Star- ring Neil Sedaka. 9.30 VILLAINS: 'Sand Dancer'.

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AQUARIUS MAHLER FES-

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• CHRISTIANITY IN ADVER-

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REGIONAL TV

SOUTHERN: 11.15 All our yester- days. 11.45 Thunderbirds. 12.42 Weather. 12.45 London. 5.20 My Avengers. 6.15 Best of please sir. 6.45 Comedians. 7.15 Film: 'Columbo: Dead Weight. 8.27 News. London. 8.30 12.30 Weather, guideline. HARLECH: 11.15 London. 12.15 Farming diary. 12.45 London. 5.20 Please sir. 5.45 Sale of the cen- Les. tury. Sez 7.00 Film: 6.15 'McCloud: A Little Plot at Tran- quil Valley'. 8.30 London. 11.50 Play back. 12.50 Weather.

*x: • Jahn Sturges, who made 'Gunfig luck when trilby-clad Spencer Tracy we Rock' (BBC 1, 8.15 р.m.)

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SOUTHERN: 11.00-12.00 London.

12.37 Weather. 12.40 Talking hands. 12.55 Farm progress. 1.25 Out of town. 1.45 Bush boy. 2.15 London. 3.15 Film: 'The Rising of the Moon': 4.35 News. 4.40 London. 7.55 Film: 'The Seventh Dawn'. 10.00 London. 11.25 Sez EE. Les. 12.10 Weather. Guideline.

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Workers Press, S BBC 2. Olympic folly with Jayne hens', 11.15 р.m.) ad to make a Highland adventure story .m.), which ended up looking like a HTV Cymru/Wales as above ex- cept: 5.45-6.15 Sion a sian.

ANGLIA: 11.00 All our yesterdays.

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London. 5.20 It takes a thief. 6.15 Sez Les. 7.00 Film: "The Captive City'. 8.30 London.

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2.00 Journey of a lifetime. 2.15 London. 3.15 Film: 'Captain Pirate'. 4.40 London. 7.55 Film: 'Forever Female'. 8.30 Who do you do? 10.00 London. 11.25 Avengers. 12.25 Weather. HTV Wales as above except: 12.05 Dan sylw. 12.50 Nabod y gair. 1.20 The other half.

HTV Cymru/Wales and HTV Wales plus: 5.35 Nabod y gair. GR Re- ATV MIDLANDS: 11.00-12.05 Lon- ket 1.50 don. 1.40 Horoscope. 1.45 All our Dr yesterdays. 2.15 London. 3.15 4.40 Film: 'Tarzan's Magic Fountain'.

p.m. 4.40 London. 7.55 Film: 'The Jazz Singer'. 10.00 London. 11.25 Spy- force. Weather. 3 Press, Saturday August 26, 1972 PAGE 11 ULSTER: 12.15 Skippy. 12.45 London. 5.15 Primus. 5.45 Who do you do? 6.15 Sez Les: 7.00 Film: "At Sword's Point. 8.25 Summer results. 8.30 London.

10.50 Documentary. 11.40 Fright- eners. YORKSHIRE: 11.00 All our yes- terdays. 11.25 Make a wish. 11.50 Woobinda. 12.15 Lidsville. 12.45 London. 5.15 Primus. 5.45 Who do you do? 6.15 Sez Les. 7.00 Film: 'Columbo'. 8.30 London.

10.50 Arthur C. Clarke. 11.40 Journey to the unknown. 12.35 Weather. GRANADA: 11.00 Sesame street.

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5.45 Who do you do? 6.15 Sez Les. 7.00 Film: 'It Came From Outer Space'. 8.25 London. 11.50 Strange report. TYNE TEES: 11.00 All our yester- days. 11.25 Bush boy. 11.50 Joe 12.45 Lon- 90. 12.15 Dave Cash. don. 5.15 Primus. 5.45 Who do you do? 6.15 Sez Les. 7.00 Film: 'Columbo'. 8.25 Cartoon. 8.30 London. 10.40 Arthur C. Clarke.

11.40 Journey to the unknown.

12.35 Epilogue.

SCOTTISH: 11.25

Casebook. 11.50 Arthur. 12.10 Horoscope.

12.20 Primus. 12.45 London. 5.15 Joe 90. 5.50 To be advised. 6.30 7.00 Film: 'Law of Comedians. the Lawless'. 8.30 London. 11.50 Late call. 11.55 Sez Les.

GRAMPIAN: 12.25 Beagan gaidh- lig. 12.45 London. 5.20 Batman.

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4.40 London. 7.53 Sports. 7.55 Cartoon. 8.05 Film: 'The Liquid- ator'. 10.00 London. 11.25 Saint.

YORKSHIRE: 10.45 Talking hands.

11.00 London. 12.05 UFO. 12.55 Farming outlook. 1.25 Common Market cook book. 1.55 Soccer.

2.50 Film: 'East of Sudan'. 4.30 Cartoon. 4.40 London. 7.55 Film: 'Funeral in Berlin'. 9.50 Popeye.

10.00 London. 11.25 Strange report. 12.20 Weather. GRANADA: 11.00-12.00 London.

12.30 Children to children. 12.55 Living architects. 1.25 All our yesterdays. 1.55 Football. 2.50 Film: 'Sea of Sand'. 4.40 London.

7.55 Film: 'The Corn is Green'.

10.00 London. 11.25 Scotland Yard casebook. TYNE TEES: 10.45 Talking hands.

11.00 London. 12.00 UFO. 12.55 Farming outlook. 1.25 Western civilization. 1.55 Where the jobs are. 2.00 Big match. 3.00 Film: 'Johnny Frenchman'. 4.40 Lon- don. 7.55 Film: 'The Saboteur'.

10.00 London. 11.25 Strange report. 12.20 Epilogue. SCOTTISH: 1.20 Out of town.

1.40 Horoscope. 1.45 All our yesterdays. 2.15 Studio. 3.15 Film: 'True as a Turtle'. 4.40 London.

ept: 7.55 Film: 'The Agony and the Ecstasy'. 10.00 London. 11.25 Late call. 11.30 Festival cinema.

GRAMPIAN: 12.55 Common Mar- ket cook book. 1.25 All our yesterdays. 1.55 Farm progress.

2.25 Film: 'Dangerous Voyage'.

ain'. 3.45 Danger man. 4.40 London.

Jazz 7.55 Film: 'Three on a Spree'.

Spy- 9.30 Short story. 10.00 London.

11.25 Untouchables.

PAGE 12 Workers Press, Saturday Augu

BY PHILIP WADE

A MASS MEETING of 5,000 workers at British Leyland Motors, Leyland, yesterday decıded by a four-to-one majority to strike on Monday. The men congratulated the workers at Thornycroft's, Basingstoke, for taking over their factory in defence of their jobs. In London, meanwhile, a dele- gation from the occupied • factory picketed the Leyland headquarters in Berkeley Square. They later visited Leyland's AEC plant in Southall. The Leyland Motors workers were told by engineers' union con- venor Len Brindle: 'This is a fight for job security. One thousand gone here jobs have two years which future generations will not have.' He explained that management had agreed that outside contract work would end as soon as pos- sible, but now they had reneged on this written agreement He attacked the capitalist press for saying that the one-day strike was only in support of Thorny- croft's. It is our conclusion that Bri- tish Leyland Motor Corporation, at their highest level, and speci- fically in the truck and bus divi.

sion, have decided a policy on of rationalization, Brindle told the meeting. 'Maudslay and Thornycroft's have gone. Management have ignored totally our written agreement for full and frank dis- cussion before closures. 'Thornycroft's gained this agreement after a seven-week strike. Now this plant has been sold to Eaton's of Ohio. 'We will only co-operate in progress if job-security is guaran- teed.' He said Monday's strike was

FROM PAGE ONE

The crisis of the system there- fore poses its revolutionary over- throw, through a struggle for a programme of transitional de- mands. Such demands, as Trotsky ex- plained in the founding document of the Fourth International (the Transitional Programme), must lead to the conquest of power by the working class: 'The strategic task of the next period... consists in overcom- ing the contradiction between the maturity of the objective revolu- tionary conditions and the im- maturity of the proletariat and its vanguard. 'It is necessary to help the masses in the proces of the daily find bridge struggle to between present demands and the socialist programme of the revo- lution. 'This bridge should include a transitional de- programme of stemming from today's mands, conditions and from today's con- sciousness of wide layers of the working class and unalterably leading to one final conclusion: the conquest of power by the proletariat.' Grave dangers lie ahead. New battles approaching class are under conditions where the exist- the working ing leadership of class is even more bankrupt than was that of 1926. At this critical stage the poli- tical fight against spontaneity revisionism waged by the and Socialist Labour League must be extremely sharp. Many workers are still only at the first stage of breaking from reformism. The League must exer- cise great care in explaining its rday August 26, 1972 'the beginning, not the end of the struggle. at the miners, dockers 'Look and textile workers having to stand up to protect their Jobs.

In the interests of profit jobs go to the wall. The meeting passed a four- point resolution which calls for: • 'Blacking' of all Thornycroft materials; • A one-day strike on Monday; • A meeting with union officers to discuss the company's rationa- lization programme; and • A lobby at the British Ley- land headquarters in London on a date to be fixed. After the meeting Len Brindle told Workers Press: "The TUC should take co-ordinated and militant action over the issue of the right to work. 'The TUC should be the van- guard. These issues are no longer emotive phrases. The member- ship is ready to fight. We couldn't have got this vote four years ago!

WEATHER

AN ANTICYCLONE is slowly moving Scotland as a over depression moves northwards to- wards South-West England. North and East Scotland and North-East England will be dry with sunny spells. South-West Scotland, Northern Ireland and North-West England will be rather cloudy with per- haps some rain later. Eastern England will have sunny spells after early morning mist and fog patches. Wales and South- Western districts of England will be cloudy with thundery showers at times. It will be warm in central and eastern districts of England. Else- where, temperatures will be near the seasonal normal. Outlook for Sunday and Mon- day: Sunny intervals but also some thundery showers, heavy at times. Temperatures mostly near normal but warm in the east at first.

CLOSÚRES

OR

CONTRACTIONS

OF U.C.S

EWARDS

TTEE

Slalinist work-in policy at UCS led 1o los programme and policy, while at the same time making no adap- tation to spontaneity nor to poli- tical backwardness. This will involve conflict with many workers as estab- lished ideas are challenged and distributed. This disturbance is a necessary and unavoidable part of the struggle to create revolutionary consciousness.

Workers' Press plays a central role in the conflict and strife

STONT UNEN OCCUAKTION

SOY

Wo have to win or mo'll and up joll a Thorneycroft picket told Workers Presi

BY STEPHEN

GLASGOW Corporation building workers yesterday dealt a crushing and humili- ating blow to their union leaders by deciding to stay out on unofficial strike.

When officials put the vote to return at the carefully stage- managed meeting in a Glasgow theatre only a handful of the 4,000-strong audience raised their hands. After the decision a deflated Joe Murphy, secretary of the official West of Scotland action committee, said: 'Naturally I am disappointed. I thought there would be more in favour of the official line.' The confrontation marked the climax of a week-long bid by union leaders to get the corpora- Ted to loss of jobs through which consciousness is developed. The organized strength of the working class can only be dev- eloped and expressed through struggle against the Tory gov- ernment to force it to resign.

We call on every trade union- ist and Labour Party member to begin this fight and we urge every reader of Workers Press to join the Socialist Labour League.

August 25, 1972

LEYLAND

WORKERS

id up jolning the one million jobless,' kers Press at Berkeley Square yesterday.

STEPHEN JOHNS

tion workers back before talks with Scottish building authori- ties start next Tuesday. They have been aided by the local especially the press, 'Scottish Daily Express', who have launched a vicious campaign of vilification against the strikers.

But both the Tory media and the union bureaucracy were un- able yesterday break the to resistance of the militant Glas- gow workers. Speaker after speaker appealed against a split in the ranks. Only one man- a national executive member of the Transport and General Workers' Union building section-spoke up for the plat- he was drowned by form and boos and shouting. The meeting began with a pleading address from Murphy- a T&GWU official. If you are going to be mili- tant,' he said, 'you have to know first who you are fighting against.' He said building workers were not in dispute with local authori- ties. Then uproar broke out as he threatened: 'If Glasgow Cor- poration building workers stay out and other departments stay out on this particular strike it could be that the local authority council would not want to meet us on Tuesday.' this stage the meeting At broke down as men shouted: 'That's the bosses' line, 'Are you selling us out, Joe?'.

Finally Murphy was forced to come clean and put a straight recommendation for a return to work. But speaker after speaker got up and attacked the platform.

The overwhelming consensus was that a return to work would split the strike and demoralize workers out on private sites.

Mick Kane, a UCATT member, made a passionate plea for unity.

'The overwhelming spectacle of seeing 10,000 to 15,000 hands raised at our Glasgow Green meeting for an all out strike for a half-decent living wage is what is motivating me. "The Labour Council in Glas- gow have a direct responsibility to the trade union movement over people employed directly by the authority. "They must step in and confirm our faith because never let it be forgotten that the trades unions begat the Labour Party and it exists through the interests of the trade unionists. 'I say out on we must stay strike until the bitter end.'

One of the speakers, Tom Mat- thews, was singled out for attack by the platform. He is a mem- ber of the action committee but spoke against the recommenda- There is a fear that the tion. officials will now purge the com- mittee of any rank-and-file repre- sentation.

AUGUST FUND

DAYS LEFT

THIS IS our last weekend and probably our last chance to raise large amounts for our August Fund. Let's grasp the opportunity and collect most of the £667.70 which remalns outstanding.

We know you will do It. In this political situatlon when Workers Press, alone, stands out clearly against the treachery of both the reformist union leaders and the Stalinist bureaucracy, we are con- fident we have your growing support. Help us, therefore, with a very special effort to keep our paper out in front. We are now at the last lap of the fight. One more spurt and you can do It. Post all donations Immediately to: Workers Press August Appeal Fund 186a Clapham High Street London SW4 7UG.

ALL TRADES UNIONS

ALLIANCE MEETINGS

TUC MUST BREAK OFF ALL

TALKS WITH HEATHI

MAKE THE TORY GOVERN-

MENT RESIGN!

NOTTINGHAM: Tuesday August 29, 7.30 p.m. People's Hall, Street. "Victory to Heathcote the building workers'. PRESTON: Wednesday August 30, 8 p.m. Railway and Com- mercial Hotel, Butler St (nr railway station). "The Tory government and the building workers' CAMBRIDGE: Thursday August 31, 8 p.m. Red Cow (behind the Guild Hall). 'Lessons of the dockers and Builders' strikes'.

SLOUGH: Tuesday September 6, 7.30 p.m. Slough Com- munity Centre, Farnham Ra.

'Force the Tories out! Expose the traitors in the labour and trade union movementl Speakers: Frank Tomany and Brian Bailey, both in a per- sonal capacity. Lessons of UCS and the Docks Strike. ABERDEEN: Monday August 28, 8.00 p.m. Trades Hall, 24 Adelphi. • August DUNDEE: Wednesday 30, 8.00 p.m. YMCA Constitu- tion Room. Soclalist Labour League

FOUR LECTURES

THE THEORY AND

PRACTICE OF MARXISM

given by

G. HEALY

(SLL national secretary) 1. Marxism as the theory of knowledge Tuesday September 5 2. Development of Marxism through working-class struggle Tuesday September 12 3. Nature of the capitalist crisis Tuesday September 19 4. Historical materlalism today Tuesday September 26

AEU HOUSE

Mount Pleasant Liverpool 1, 7.30 p.m. 01-622 7029 01-720 2000 Office. 186a Clapham High