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The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

Property really hurts... especially when confiscated

By Ian Yeats

Workers Press no. 952, 21 December 1972 · scan pages 3, 4

Topics: Vietnam and Indochina, United States, Tory government

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NOTHING has revealed closest to Tory hearts Amin's seizure of foreign British.

Twenty tea plantations owned by the London-based Mitchell-Cotts group have already been nationalized along with six which are nonBritish. Amin plans to take over the assets of at least 15 foreign companies—only one of them non-British.

They are Brooke Bond, British American Tobacco, Securicor, Dunlop, the_British Metal Co, Chillington Tools, Consolidated Printers (Lonhro) and Ugandan Transport (British Electrical Traction).

One US company, International TV Sales, has already been expropriated.

The President has also said he intends to withdraw trading licences from the hundreds of small import-export firms which, although they have no assets in Uganda, have nevertheless been creaming off fat profits.

Amin has raised his hand to try to halt the exploitation of his country by imperialism once and for all. If much else that he has done recently was barbaric, in this he is unquestionably right.

Uganda was seized by Britain and its resources and people Paris talks WERE cloak for a bloodier round of war PRESIDENT NIXON has resumed full bombardment of the towns and citi North Vietnam, making it abundantly that the so-called peace negotiations in were simply the preparation bloodier round of war.

The background of these negotiations demonstrates that the talks had the sole purpose of hoodwinking the American electorate and allowing Nixon and Kissinger to pose as peace-mongers while the southern puppet regime was strengthened for the next stage of war.

A key role in setting up the talks was played by the Soviet leaders, who made it clear before the presidential election that they favoured Nixon for another term in the White House.

His foreign policy was acclaimed in Moscow as 'realistic and peace-loving'. Three weeks before the election the Soviet leaders signed a mammoth trade deal with the United States.

The Paris talks which made Nixon's re-election a certainty were set up by the Moscow bureaucracy with visiting American oficials following Nixon's trip to the Soviet capital at the end of May.

His welcome there indicated to the Americans that they could do just as they liked in Vietnam with. out fearing the Soviet Union would interfere.

A few days before the visit they had blockaded Haiphong and bombarded Hanoi.

Throughout the secret talks in Paris the Workers Press warned of the dangers posed to the Vietnamese revolution. The paper pointed out again again IAN YEATS than Uganda president Idi owned firms-most of them SPENCER Peace' The Stalir the only o peace round more graphically what lies systematically plundered during decades of colonization throughout Africa.

After independence the exploitation continued with Britons taking plum jobs, ranchers farming the best land and companies exporting huge profits back to Britain.

In his speech last week Amin directly accused British imperialism of milking his economy, but in the House of Commons this week Tory Foreign Secretary Sir Alec Douglas-Home described his remarks as a 'historical travesty' and said the speech was riddled with 'insulting references to this country.

Yesterday the Tory 'Daily Telegraph' reported that Home attacked the Ugandan leader in some of the toughest language the Commons has heard used by a Minister about another country's leader.

Commenting on the takeover of British companies, Sir Alec said: 'On any count these actions are outrageous by any standard of civilized buhaviour and certainly incompatible with the behaviour expected within the Commonwealth partnership' How the Tory tune changes when instead of Asians being persecuted it is British big business which is being raped.

scale is of clear Paris deception by revisionists and CP that Nixon was planning to intensify the war as soon as the negotiations were over.

We described the elections as in which the vote-catching manoeuvre Willca Soviet and Chinese Stalinists had played a major part. Behind the scenes they had tried to force Hanoi to the conference table. Star contrast, the 'Morning munist Party professed to detect peace around the corner, just as did the sinister Dr Kissinger.

As late as November 18, over three weeks after the American refusal to sign the nine-point draft treaty, the paper's diplomatic correspondent Chris Myant wrote from Hanoi:

"The possibility of peace is very close. This will show in the coming talks between the US and the Vietnamese side. This is what I was told when I interviewed Hoang Tung,' etc., etc....

Lists were not les who saw every corner.

we HAROLD WILSON'S protest at Tory premier Edward Heath's ban on wage settlements reveals the complete political bankruptcy of the Labour leaders. Speaking in the Commons, he asked: 'By what authority did you threaten the negotiations in the gas wage discussion and tell them they were not to go to the point of making offers?' SOUGHT to introduce Place of Strife' to cripple trade unions. chind the secret talks Nixon plans to intensify war in Indo-China ENCER IT TAT. 19 berween THE Red Mole, of the International Marxist Group went even further. This pitiful revisionist organ detected an imminent pros pect of victory • for the İndo-China revolution.

Under the heading 'Victory in Sight', the paper wrote:

'Unfortunately many militants will substitute their own moods and impressions for a clear analysis of the terms of agreement and of the balance of forces in Indo-China' This was exactly what the 'Mole' proceeded to do.

It pontificated that 'a first analysis of the agreement terms suggests. that it is the Americans who have substantially modified their positions and not the Provisional Revolutionary Government'.

The only problem being that the Americans had no intention of actually signing the deal.

The article on into detailed and arid speculation about possible form of a cor lition government in the Soul concluding that there re was Workers Press of October. 25. 'Red Mole of October. 30.

e answer, of course, is that Heath did this by the 'authority' handed to him on a plate by Harold Wilson • in June 1970.

Four years earlier Labour had been returned to office with a majority of 97. Instead of using this to carry out socialist measures, the Labour leaders used it to attack the workers who put them there. They:

'In • ALLOWED unemployment to top 600,000. • DEVALUED the pound and forced up the cost of living. • INTRODUCED a Immigration Act. • SUPPORTED slavishly American imperialism in Vietnam. • TRIED to reach a sell-out deal with the Smith regime in • CUT into the welfare services (for example, by taking milk away from secondary school children).

'nothing to fear' from government provided the smashing of the puppet armies is temporarily delayed'.

Unlike the 'Mole' Birchall considered La fate of thee fade en aoth such that only The paper concluded: "The handling of these problems will decide whether Ho Chi Minh's prophecy comes true and the locust succeeds both in disembowelling the elephant and in cleansing Indo-China of the filth it leaves behind.' THE 'state capitalist' In. ternational Socialism group was equally complacent, though its attack of peace fever was tempered with its customary scepticism and anti-communism.

Ian Birchall, writing in 'Socialist Worker' for November 4, proclaimed that 'At long last peace in Vietnam seems to be in sight.

'The news cannot fail to be welcome to those who have spent the last eight years campaigning against he brutal US war of aggression.' writer, it was ie result was that thousands of disillusioned workers refused to vote in 1970, while the middle class swung to the Tories. If Wilson complains to Heath now, it must never be forgotten that he held open for him the door of 10 Downing Street. ore than that. The Tory government is still there today only because of the support it gets from the Labour right wing. In October, 1971, 69 Jenkinsites marched into the Tory lobbies in the Common Market vote. Every worker knows that Tory rule could have been ended on that day. Yet still no action has been taken against these Tory supporters in Labour's ranks.

Neither is any action taken against Reg Prentice, the Labour shadow Minister, who consistently attacks workers in Throughout 1972, when one section of workers after another has gone into battle against the employers and their government, the Labour leaders and their allies at the top of the unions have striven to hold them back. le miners defeated the government in their wages strike, the dockers forced the release of the five jailed stewards and now the engineers are in revolt against the National Industrial Relations Court fines. And at the same time, hundreds of thousands of Labour voters, together with some Labour ational Marxist Group No. 54 30tk October 1972 Price 5p. INDOCHINA VICTORY IN SIGHT the North Vietnamese had made all the cessions:

'It is clear that in recent weeks the North Vietnamese have made far more concessions than the US.' He added sceptically: 'It is clear from these concessions that, while North Vietnam could still hold out for years, it has no prospect war outright, Winning the The implication is that the North Vietnamese should accept what terms they can get from the imperialists and end their 'hopeless' conflict.

Just so that he can be covered from both sides, Birchall warns: 'Socialists who have been chanting "Victory to the NLF" for the past eight years will have to look very carefully which way the rifles are pointing' the line of the 'Red Mole' and "Socialist Worker' is unspoken assumption he imper alists really ( reace in 1 'ietnam. conboth that esire councils, fought the Toryimposed rent rises.

Such actions, if developed, were and are capable of bringing the government down. Wilson and Feather, however, refuse to mobilize the working class • for this. They moan and protest to Heath, but they would rather have him still in power than use the strength of the working class to drive him out. Instead, Wilson complains about Heath's 'inadequate authority' in words almost identical to those of Enoch Powell.

Powell's demagogy about 'dictatorship' is, of course, a bid to gain some support among the middle class and some sections of backward workers. Powell's immigration and 'free market' policies would impossible without dictatorship. If Wilson's opposition is feeble, however, that of the working class is not. Hundreds of thousands of engineers have shown that this week. Just as Heath misjudged his strength when he took on the miners, he must be shown to have misjudged again in trying to impose wage control on the entire working class.

But the union leaders must be forced to use the strength of this class opposition to the Tories by calling a General Strike to bring the government down.

Heath must be fought not just with words but with deeds. The time to act is now.

Nothing of course could be further from the truth. Nixon wants peace only on his terms-with the IndoChina revolution crushed. The breakdown of the Paris talks indicates that Nixon has been unable to get his way in the negotiations.

But the danger remains acute for the Vietnamese revolution. While the bombs rain on Hanoi and Haiphong the Moscow and Peking bureaucrats will certainly be striving to get the talks restarted on behalf of the US.

The British Stalinists are still spreading the illusion hat the 'peace' talks can be made to come up with a solution.

This is the essence of the *sign now' campaign which is petitioning the US President to sign the nine-point draft agreement. The revisionists' confusion actually supplements that generated in the workers' movement by the CP campaign.

The latest turn in this cringing and totally fraudulent campaign is a lobby held last weekend by the British Communist Party. Members gathered outside No 10 Downing Street on Saturday last bearing posters with the message: "Heath tell Nixon sign now'. At the time of greatest danger to the Vietnamese revolution, the Stalinists and their hangers-on in the Vietnam protest industry prove to be a transmissionbelt for disorientation and illusions which aid the American propaganda campaign to present Nixon as a peace lover.

These 'friends' of the Indo-Chinese revolution are all tailing behind the Stalinists and adapting , to the requirements of the bureaucracies which wanted Nixon returned to office and are still fuelling illusions in the US president's love of peace.

December continue » Xtremists were to The commission also recommends that the armed forces should be given power to arrest without warrant and power to detain suspects for up to four hours to establish their identity.

It should be an offence to refuse to answer or to give a false or misleading answer to any question reasonably put for that purpose by a member of the armed forces or a police officer.

It says it is not practicable in present conditions for the initial arrest of a suspected 'terrorist' to be made by a police officer. This should be made by soldiers, it adds.

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