SOCIALIST REVOLUTION

NOT We want urgent progress in 1972: One way is to be forever patient and subservient.

The other way is the modern and quick method of initiating i eforms that have been outstanding for a hundred years, te. by means of Revolution. In a few weeks after Revolution, it is possible to bring about more changes and maire more progress than in one hundred years of reform. In a few months rfter Revolution, we can change the fundamental basis of our political system and the moral values in our society. OUR OWN BRAND OF BRITISH SOCIALISM we speak of a change of system, we do not mean a system based ltical system of any other country. What we shall evolve is very alist system suitable for the British people and for our nation.

PREPARE FOR REVOLUTION PREPARE TO OCCUPY YOUR FACTORY rades, let's bring Socialism into the Mombers of the Labour Party Many militant trade unionists will have come to know and thoroughly distrust the commu. niqués and posters from the Militant Trade Union Committee.

This shadowy body specializes in blood-and-thunder manifestos, published and printed anonymously, without imprint and written in Victorian melodrama.

In their latest message to Edward Heath-they claim to be leaders of the British revolution and also claim to be 'operating from the Midlands'. The MTUC is, in fact, a group of provocateurs-either from the extreme right-wing or the British Special Branch (or both).

Their efforts are always characterized by a tell-tale attraction for nationalism. Hence the Heath Christmas letter threatens: 'We shall not let you control the life-blood of the nation.' Other passages reveal petty-bourgeois outlook characterized by opposition 'worthless pàrliamentarians, financiers and the privileged class.

As usual the authors portray themselves as the fulcrum of all industrial militancy. They were responsible for the strike waves over the Industrial Relations Act. They say to Heath:

'You will say "These damned workers are just a bunch of cranks. They will never succeed. The Industrial Relations Act is working and will take greater effect as time passes".

'But just look at the situation we have created in the country,' they continue. 'Millions and millions of man-days lost through industrial disputes. You know the figures. We do not have to quote them for you. We are succeeding in a way we never thought it possible.' The letter promises General Strike and revolution in 1973 or perhaps 1974.

With the Heath letter, samples of the year's publications are included. These were almost all a call to revolution, particularly allied with a demand that workers occupy their factories liké the shipyard workers at UCS ('The UCS did it. Others are on the way!')

Again the appeals betray the dubious origins of the group, whose members claim to be Labour Party card-holders.

One talks in a patrician fashion about 'good working men on the dole'. Another asks: 'Have you not had enough of the bloody swine?' Others urge on workers to mild forms of sabotage. 'Don't be shy, produce less, lose the profits, bring capitalism to a halt' and 'Let's make it impossible for the bosses. Let's begin to make careful plans to occupy our factories. Let's begin to make real trouble everywhere.' But one particular manifesto is most revealing. It' repeats what appears to be the MTUC's main slogan 'Socialist revolution not capitalist reforms'. But calls for 'our own brand of British socialism'. 'When we speak of a change of system,' it says, 'we do not mean a system based upon the political system of any other country. What we shall evolve is very much a socialist system for the British people and for our nation.' The political colouring is very much that of the extreme right, or at least people who believe in the potency of nationalism-this of course could also be the political police, the Special Branch or their agents—though as every trade unionist and socialist will recognize, the job of 'incitement' is particularly crude. The authors clearly have very little understanding and knowledge of the working class and labour movement.

Perhaps the most significant indication that the group made up of provocateurs is the fact that they remain entirely anonymous. they say-but who with Plans', 'Let's make careful Neither do they at any stage propose a programme.

Clearly the MTUC 'members' do not want to establish a serious socialist organizaWhat then is their purpose?

The history of the group is instructive.

It first suriaced in 1968 when shop commitComrades, Brothers, Friends!

Capitalism is an evil in our society. How long must we tolerate this evil? The bosses say there will be no General Strike We say the opposite. Who will be right? Only you can decide. It's in hands!

1972 Each factory take its own responsibility. First of all, every shop steward has to make up Once you've done that, then get a few loyal co Get a plan. Get a programme. Get a time-table Where do you stand if others begin to occupy? Start getting the idea around. Talk about it. Just ask yourselves what is the alternative.

Once more, we urge you to PREPARE TO OCCUPY YOUR FACTORY Merabers of the Labour Party tees began to receive its outpourings, starting with Poster No l' called 'Prepare for Revolution'.

It was about this time that a group of fascists, known to be connected with more respectable figures on the right particularly one individual with intelligence connections -were halted by a police patrol on their way to a massive left-wing demonstration in London.

By their manner and dress they appeared to be part of the left, but the group, which was armed with anything from clubs to barbed wire, turned out to be fascist.

It was at this time that hundreds of thousands of the MTUC leaflets were flooding the labour movement.

The next major incident came immediately prior to the 1970 General Election— again there was a call for a General Strike and revolution. A few days later the then right-wing Tory for Knutsford, William Bromley Davenport, used the leaflets to support his argument for an investigation left-wing groups by the police and Home Office.

This gives one clue to the MTUC's possible role-a peg on which a pogrom of the left could be hung. Last week we revealed that the Tories were considering a plan to purge the left if an early election was called. The MTUC could figure in such a campaign.

One other function could be to implicate • genuine left-wingers in activities that might lead them to run the risk of arrest or to a frame-up.

The MTUC remains anonymous. But on occasions its members do surface. Members of the Socialist Labour League have been approached people claiming to be MTUC members-people who offered money across cafe tables: a typical frame-up technique. Whatever their origin the MTUCers are clearly enemies of the working class. So far their efforts have been hopelessly clumsy. But they may improve.

After the so-called Angry Brigade trials and the general deepening of the Tory offensive, workers must be on their guard against the activities of these servant s of the ruling by class.