AGNELLI PLOTS AGAINST

Gianni Agnelli, boss of the Italian monopoly, Fiat, recently remarked that the trouble with de. mocracy was that it could not solve the problem of strikes and rising wages.

He was referring to the difficulties of competing with the United States monopolies with production relations based on the post-war boom. Profitability, he was saying, can only be restored when the democratic rights of the working-class have been destroyed.

His undisguised call for the open dictatorial rule of Italian sinister. capital Is recalls sinister operation which made a brief appearance in the Italian Press at the beginning of 1972.. before Press silence was restored.

Operation "5 5', it was revealedges. industrialists, was movement uniting priests and parliamentarians to bring Fanfani into the presidency and initiate a presidential republic along Gaullist lines.

The political programme would include: • The restoration the factories. • The banning of left-wing organizations. • The limitation the right to strike.

The ideological basis for the programme was the philosophy of Catholic corporatism, or "integralism', as expounded by Felice Balbo and others.

Amintore Fanfani, a staunch right-wing Catholic and leading member of the Christian Democratic Party, held an important post as a professor of economic history under Mussolini's fascist regime.

Sponsoring the authoritarian project was the Agnelli Foundation, so-called "cultural' centre, istanced Talian and Confindustria, the sion of the Confederation of British Industry.

Some of the leading lights in the plot were: Umberto Agnelli and Valarino Gancia, young-bloods in Confindustria; Mimmo Scarano, Fanfani's Press officer; Ubaldo Scassellati, head of the Agnelli Foundation, General Mereu, the fascist Gino Ragno and motley group of priests, expriests and colonels.

Fiat intervened to stop the Press from spreading details of the right-wing conspiracy.

At the end of 1971, the Agnelli Foundation secretary from ta leoninti, urin sacked was sackel free te job he pretext 'the requirements of restructuring and the drastic reduction of expenditure'.

Miss Leonetti, who had just had the temerity to put her name forward as a candidate for a place on the Foundation's internal committee, decided to fight her case in the labour section of the Turin courts.

The prosecutor who dealt with her case, a certain Signor Converso, has delved into the muddy waters of the finances of the Foundation and extracted some of the complex web of Fiat's power The Foundation, founded in 1966 to honour the centenary of the ibirth o Giovanni Agnelli, is financed directly 'through returns from Fiat's profits and percentage paid in by the different constituent companies'.

Official expenditure involves the costs of administration and the financing of other 'cultural' activities like the Einaudi Foundation in Turin, the 'Il Mulino' publishing house and the Carlo Cattaneo study-centre in Bologna, which has recently commissioned many research projects into questions of work and wages.

The committee in charge of accounts includes three men who are not notorious as patrons of intellectual pursuits. • Rodolfo Saporiti: ex-prefect of Turin and councillor of state. • Scardi: Member of the Supreme Council in charge of legal activities in Italy and keyman in '5 X 5'.

Francesco Rota, director-general of Fiat.

Signor Converso made an investigation of the accounting of these gentlemen and discovered a vertiginous spiral in expenditure in 1971 and a final record of huge losses.

One of the recommendations of the accounts committee at the end of 1971 was . to be more careful about the use of the telephone to avoid expense!

Well might Converso write in his report of a 'flood of contradictions and absurdities'!

In his evidence to the court Scassellati was able to state that there had been a drastic reduction in expenditure, although the balance-sheet actually shows an increase in one year from 14 to 25 million lire Converso then went on to read out the professed aims of the Foundation: "To organize projects, cultural activities and research through which to spread the results of latest research and to attract with concrete proposals the iniative of the leading groups in the country, and public and private enterprise.' Some of the research activity involved: Project Foundation, Project Image of Italy, Political Culture, Technology of Communications, Printing, the Home, Business Education, Quality of Life, Systems Theory, Europe, the Factory, and the role of women in industrial society Converso did not inquire into the finance used by the Agnelli Foundation in buying up young university intellectuals, fixing university appointments and purchasing publishing houses.

The recent election of the right-wing professor Sasso as rector of Turin university was inspired by Fiat: Agnelli's group owns the publishinghouses of Etas Kompass, Boringhieri and Bompiani... and has made large, so far Hit -successful, offers for the Feltrinelli group.

Another sphere of research' and activity' not included by Converso is a subject which the Foundation has promoted in the last few years in many lectures, round-table discussions and seminars—the study of the situation of the armed forces, the relevance of counter-insurgency in Europe and the militarization of labour in the factories.

In particular, the Foundation participated in the organization of a 'teach-in' in Rome on the subject of 'unorthodox war and defence' which was also sponsored by two "5 x 5' creatures, the Institute of Military Studies and the Association of Parliamentary Studies.

Among those attending this patriotic gathering were rightwing Christian Democrats like Bartolo Ciccardini and army and police top-brass, like General Sangiorgio, commander in chief of the 'carabinieri' ...

Topics on the agenda: the need for greater influence in the life of the country of the armed forces, preparations for counter-insurgency and the encouragement of the values of the nation, religion, the family ... and Europe.

It should be of no surprise then that the Agnelli Foundation works officially with the Institute of Strategic Studies.

The Agnelli Foundation supAbove: democ the mo Italian ports Institu Ford ations terests nectio: intellig lishes munist

the ISS. versity intellectual style per- guaranteed peace for 20 years Kitson is a leading adviser sonality in the Institute, has could be put in serious danger on strategy to the British army. distinguished himself by by the disintegration which He wrote in his book on writing a eulogistic biography seems to have struck our counter-insurgency a descrip- of the Spanish fascist dictator national community? tion of the tasks of the army Francisco Franco.

At the time of publication, ize the colonels' coup in pletely at one with the con- large sections of Crozier's Greece in 1967, was accused ceptions stirring up the Agnelli book were enthusiastically two years' later of preparing a family and the other bosses of quoted by the Spanish Press. similar pernections taly. Italian capital: Franco and the Spanish connections the 'The second half of the 1970s military staged their insurrec- Agnelli Foundation show that is going to see a further swing tion against the Second the Common Market is in towards the lower end of the Republic when it seemed that essence no more than a conoperational spectrum with the demands of workers and spiracy to suppress the worklarge-scale insurgency giving peasants were going beyond ing class which has been proto civil disorder accom- the framework of true and ceeding for several years. panied by sabotage and terror- were threatening the existence lies and falsifications spread кно невко just order' in society, that is, areas . of capitalist order. by the French and Italian Comheld to mean all measures Studies has naturally Above: Pirelli workers demons democratic rights. These rights the monopolies led in Italy by A italian Prémier, Andreotti. Right: v ports the London - based Institute, together with the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations and other monopoly interests.

The Institute has connections with Britain's secret intelligence service and publishes a stream of anti-communist booklets and informtrate in Milan In defence of their are endangered by the plotting of anelli, boss of Fiat. Left: Agnelli with Pirelli, head of the tyre monopoly. ation of military deployment throughout the world.

Two members of the Institute are Brigadier Frank Kitson and Brian Crozier, biographer of General Franco.

Crozier is the director of the anti-communist Institute for the Study of Conflict when he is not presenting papers at *≤44449 in the 1970s which is com'Subversion, then, will be snort or une use or armea torce _Land af altaken by one section of the people of a country to overthrow those governing the country at the time or to force inem lo uo unings iney « la rena do not want to do. It can involve the use of political and economic pressure, strikes, protest marches and propaganda' As Workers Press commented: 'By this definition workers who are calling for an end to unemployment are "subversives"! ' Brian Crozier, 'uniThe Institute of Strategic the best NATO OI relatons Will generals, as does the Agnelli Foundation.

In March 1972, Admiral Gino Birindelli gave up his job NIA TA' mal ammander as HIUS Havar Cummmanuck in the Mediterranean to stand as a fascist candidate for the Italian Socialist Movement in the Italian General Elections.

He had made the move 'because. I regard this moment as particularly critical for national life and for NATO. It is a moment in which the fate of the alliance which even with its imperfections has 17, 1973 PAGE NATO, which helped organIt lays bare the dangerous munist Parties that it is possible to work through the institutions of tha unsuluuuns or une EEL WIIn a strategy of 'creeping' democratization. The European parliament and Commission are but the cover for the preparationa of militon, dintotaunhin in Europe.

These plans can only be thwarted by the building of a movement in the ranks of the undefeated working class in Europe of a socialist leadership fighting for a rejection of all collaboration with the EEC and the construction of the Socialist United States of Europe. (

Special correspondent JUAN GARCIA examines Stalinism and Trotskyism in Peru following the attacl by lompeyo Mares of the Communist Party on the Liga Comunista, which works in solidarity with the International Committee of the Fourth International. Part Four. Left: Stalin at the Yalta Conference, February, 1944, with Roosevelt whom he considered a 'progressive' imperialist. Because of this Popular Front, the masses in Latin America were called upon not to upset the war effort of American imperialism. Trotsky, above, fought against such class-collaboration for Marxist leadership in the working class. American Confederation of Workers, visited President Prado and spoke at a meeting of workers in the Municipal Theatre in Lima, his message was simply: do not strike, work harder, do not damage the Allied war effort.

This was the school of the present leadership of the Peruvian CP. The expulsion of Ravines at the Ist National Congress of the CP in 1942 was in no way a move towards a principled policy, as Mares claims in this pamphlet attacking the Liga Comunista.

Ravines had been one of the leading Comintern agents in Latin America and his removal for 'capitulationism' was only a manoeuvre to give the impression of the party's independence from the dictator, Prado.

Mares claims that it is impossible to talk about the CP leadership accepting or rejecting anything before the Ist Congress, neralise no leadership existed -only a 'trio named by Ravines'. Yet this was the leadership which pioneered the Popular Front in Peru, and in the case of Ravines and Portocarrero had relations with the Comintern from the mid-1920s. They were Stalin's men!

As the Liga Comunista wrote in the series of articles the Congresses of the PCP in 'Comunismo'; 'after the expulsion of Ravines, the "'new leadership" referred to the Prado government to rouT government", "our Supreme Command", and supports people