workers press

The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

Prospects of the Class Struggle

Labour Review, vol. 1 no. 2, May–August 1952 · scan page 43

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[p043] PROSPECTS OF THE CLASS STRUGGLE In a sense it is somewhat idle to debate whether or not Parliament will be the only road to Socialism, because that question will not be decided either by Aneurin Bevan or by Parliament itself. It is destined to be determined in the course of the struggles ahead by the social forces involved. Mr. Bevan says “Parliament interprets its own authority, and from it there is no appeal.” (p. 100). This 41

[p044] approaches the matter only on the constitutional level. But within the country and beyond the constitution, there are classes in motion and in conflict. The representatives of these classes appeal from the verdicts of Parliament not only at election times but constantly in many ways. We have already alluded to the various means of extra- parliamentary action employed and open to Labour. It is equally important to understand the broad range of extra-parliamentary influences exerted by their class enemy. Behind-the-scenes obstruction, bribery by posts and privileges, intimidation, misinformation are among the more familiar and “normal” forms of extra-parlia- mentary pressures exerted by the capitalists upon Parlia- ment itself. These pressures are most clearly manifested in war-time when Parliament is completely subordinated to the imperialist military machine while the workers are gagged and bound. Mr. Bevan tells us that, to predict the future, politicians must study “the behaviour of social forces.” (p. 36). Workers need above all to understand the mainsprings of the conduct of the capitalist class. Even if the demo- cratic British workers are inclined to take the parlia- mentary road to the end ‘of the revolution, is there any guarantee that the capitalists will be willing to do the same? The British rulers have never been known as democrats abroad. Will they act any better when their entire wealth is at stake and the final battle is engaged ? Will those “‘who, by possession of wealth, have a domina- ting influence on the policy of the nation” surrender it to labour peacefully and quietly? When or where have they ever done this? And even if the British capitalists submit quietly, what about the American imperialists? If they could not permit national independence to the Koreans and blockade the New China, will they allow British Labour to eliminate capitalism without forceful inter- vention ? : Brought face to face with the revolutionary offensive of labour, capitalist rulers have invariably had recourse to black dictatorships and Fascism in their open class war 42

[p045] upon the Socialist forces. Mr. Bevan knows and says this: “either poverty will use democracy to win the struggle against property, or property, in fear of poverty, will destroy democracy.” (p. 3). Now suppose property sets out to destroy democracy before the workers clinch their power, or that a Tory government under imperialist dictation drags England into atomic world war without consulting the people or against its manifest will? Under such circumstances, in order to defend democracy and preserve peace and com- bat the dictatorial threat of a British Hitler, Mussolini or Franco, the British workers will be compelled to fight to the end by all means at their disposal. Such a struggle,. if triumphant, could end only in the full conquest of power by the workers and the total elimination of capitalism. With the prospect of such developments, is it not a kind of national arrogance, or at least short-sightedness, to believe with Mr. Bevan that Britain will necessarily be so privileged as to make its way to Socialism without going through the arduous battles of the workers in other lands 7 Is it really guaranteed that others are predestined to the mournful lot of a stormy passage while the British will sail over calm waters to the Socialist shore? There are undeniable oddities in British political institutions, but their significance should not be exaggerated. They are the products of certain historic conditions and social relations which can change very rapidly under revolu- tionary developments. It is quite possible that in the course of coming struggles, Parliament may suffer as many vicissitudes as it did in Cromwell’s period.

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