‘DOCUMENT ‘SHAKE OFF THE INCUBUS’, SAYS PEARCE.

The great boom was based on. high-flying investment, : bolstered by armament spending and nourished’ by the unprecedently high level of world demand. American. businessmen, gripped by the psychosis of expansion and inflation, vied with each other in expanding. productive capacity, renewing obsolete equipment and piling up stocks.

“How far?’. they ask Profits ran high, and while optimistic expectations of future profits continued to prevail the process fed on itself. This pressure from business investment, plus arms expenditure, lay behind the inflationary movement. But the rate of expansion could not be sustained.

’ The piling up of new productive potential, and the running out of expansionary forces in the whole capitalist world, threw into question the profitability of further additions to capacity.

Further, as the last ‘World Economic Survey’ of the United Nations. pointed out: , ;

‘An ‘industrial economy [read ‘capitalism’-—-T.K.] is con:

fronted with the dilemma that it must continually .move This is the text of a letter sent by BRIAN PEARCE to the Appeals Commission of the Communist Party on December 24: ‘ Dear COMRADES, 1 understand from Comrade Mahon that it has been decided to expel me from the Communist Party.

In view of the fact that I lapsed from membership in mid-October, when I fell thirteen weeks in arrears with dues payments; that nobody since then has subjected me to the régime of ‘repeated visits’ prescribed in the Rules; and that over a month ago I announced my intention not to feregister but to join the Labour Party—the party leadership’s action in expelling me seems to-be a work of supererogation, -to say the least. : (Continued overleaf)

BRIAN PEARCE (Continued from previous page)

However, I suppose you have your compelling reasons for making this gesture.

J certainly have no intention of wasting your valuable time with any involved discussion about this matter.

Doubtless you will recall, in expelling me, the long list of good communists who have been expelled since Stalinism first set in; and how sometimes those who did the expelling were later themselves expelled—as in the case of J.T. Murphy, mover of the resolution expelling Trotsky from the Comintern.

Incidentally, may I say that.one of the things I most regret about my twenty-three years‘in the Communist Party is that I allowed myself to be miseducated into helping in the vilification of Trotsky and his ideas—ideas which I now see to have constituted a very great contribution to the treasure-house of socialist theory?

tf in the last few months I have done a little. through sundry talks and writings, to encourage others, in or recently out of the Communist Party, to study and discuss the works of this eminent Russian revolutionary, I think that should be accounted to me for merit.

Only through what you call ‘Trotskyism’ can people who have rightly become disgusted with Stalinism be saved, so to speak, for Marxism.

Tf you were a real Communist Party you would appreciate euch efforts, instead of expelling members for them.

All that remains is to wish you the season’s greetings and express the hope that 1958 will see a mighty advance of the working-class movement, in'the course of which the numerous honest men and women still in your ranks will at last understand and shake off the incubus of Stalinism, in time to play their part in the real battle for socialism in Britain.

[ LETTER DID ‘ORGANISER’. EDITOR WRITE THIS?

In your last issue.George Cunvin, referring to A. L. Williams, editor of The Labour Organiser, describes him as ‘a one-time left-winger who is now employed as the Labour Party’s National Agent’.

& - Could this. be the same A. L: Williams who in 1933 wrote a pamphlet called ‘What js Marxism?’, published by" the National Council.of Labour Colleges, which included such passages as these:

‘The “Communists”, i.e., socialists, are to be the van_ guard of the, working class, organizing the sporadic struggles _ of the workers into a’ direct assault against the bourgeois state.” (p. 2)

‘The growing movement back to the political ideas of Marx is an indication that those ideas are charged’ with life and are full of meaning for thé Labour movement. The gap between the classes is wider than ever . . .’ (p. 29)

‘Class conflicts are not being blunted, but are becoming keener than ever before in history |. : The possibility of gaining socialism by peaceful means gets proportionately less as the number of capitalist countries which openly discard democratic methods of government increases ...

‘The main issue is that of the winning of political power by the proletariat and the overthrow of the capitalist state machine as a preliminary to the introduction of socialism.

(p. 30)

‘Marxism which the revisionists thought they could bury is more vigorous than ever. Each year adds to its adherents.

It inspires the organized workers of the world: it haunts the capitalists and guides the destiny of one of the world’s largest states.” (p. 31)

Beckenham (Kent) Individual Applicant Published by Peter Fryer, 180, Clapham High St., London, S.W.4. Printed by the Plough Press Ltd. (T.U.), r.o. 180 Clapham High St., London, SW4. EDITORIAL BOARD (Continued from front page)

ticular what the workers themselves are saying, how they are living, how they arc resisting the employers’

offensive, The Newsletter will campaign for a political programme of socialist demands, a list of fundamental political objectives around which all workers anxious to wage the fight against Toryism could unite. The exact nature of these demands will be the subject of discussion in our columns.

The Newsletter will consider the political and social ideas abroad in the working-class movement and , subject them to one basic standard of criticism: the needs of the workers as a class in achieving clarity and unity of action in struggle.

In the first issue it was stated: “THE NEWSLETTER has no sectional axe to grind.” That remains the case. This paper is unreservedly in the service of the working-class struggle for socialism.

Honest and lively reporting; industrial and political militancy; a clear, forthright, robust class approach; proper attention to foreign affairs and to the principle of solidarity with the workers of other countries; respect for socialist theory: these are the aims of Tus NEWSLETTER in 1958. - If THe NEWSLETTER is to develop along these lines, however, more is needed than an Editorial Board. The readers have their part to play.

First, we ask for the supply of information from worker-correspondents in all parts of the country and in all industries. THe NEWSLETTER cannot command the services of highly-paid professional journalists, and must rely on workers themselves to send: in a ceaseless flow. of news. * Week by?week we want to conduct an inquiry into the condition of the working class in Britain. We want accurate facts and figures, and statements by workers themselves, Secondly, we ask for efforts to double and treble the paper’s circulation in the next three months. As the struggle develops the value of such a weapon as THe NEWSLETTER will become more and more apparent.

Because of political prejudice the bookstalls will not display the paper. It is up to readers to introduce it to their workmates and build up regular factory sales.

Thirdly, and most important of all, Tue NEWSLETTER has only its readers to rely on for financial help. Costs are steadily rising, and the continued existence and development of the paper as a fighting working-class weekly depends on regular guarantees from as many supporters as possible.

NEWS, SALES and DONATIONS: these are the three pillars on which Tur NEWSLETTER can be strengthened, improved and built up.

We send the warmest New Year greetings to our readers. We are certain that the plans here outlined will be welcomed. We are determined to make the utmost contribution to the socialist cause.

MICHAEL BANDA BRIAN BEHAN TOM KEMP