FRENCH NEW LEFT REGROUPS

With the formation last week of the Unified Socialist Party the New Left in France takes on its latest and largest organizational shape.

The new party is a rallying of groups which are diverse in origins and outlook. In its leadership‘are a number of individuals who have been in and out of the proliferating leftist groups in French politics for as long as the past 25 years. But it contains many sincere members who are striving to break out of the strait-jacket of the old party machines.

A central driving force in the new party is made up of the Party of Left Socialist Unity (PUGS), itself a fusion of distinct groups and tendencies less than three years old.

This is the most authentic ‘new left7—its forms of work, discussion theme and journals strongly influenced its British equivalent, though the political seriousness and _ intellectual level of the latter must, in all fairness, be described as altogether on a lower plane.

The leaders of PUGS—mostly seasoned in many another organization—are obsessed with their impotence. They have been unable to build a bridge to the French workers, still mostly followers of the Communist Party, and are repelled by the lack of principle of the Mollet gang in the Socialist Party.

Really they wish for something like the British Labour Party, whose nature and role they totally fail to understand (they say, for example, that it has one million militants—if only they knew). How can we be more effective, sigh the leaders of this group, especially since the advent of de Gaulle?

Reformist While many in the PUGS use the slogan of class struggle, the other main component of the new party is reformist in character. It consists of the same 8,000 members of the Socialist Party who broke with Mollet over his Algerian policy and set up a break away party (PSA). Its leaders are mostly old-line Parliamentarians, their aim to restore the tarnished reputation of social democracy, their guiding star the late Leon Blum.

Some of them, such as the former minister Andre Philip, put forward ideas which are similar to those of Crosland; in this country they would be on the right of the Labour Party.

Equally, if not further, from class struggle politics are the followers of former premier Mendes-France, who last year joined the PSA under the banner of ‘renovated socialism’. Mendes has close contact with certain financial circles. His ‘socialism’ is strongly suspect in the eyes of many militants.

Clearly he is seeking a new field for political expression now that his own political home has collapsed around his ears. He has been gladly accepted by the leaders of the new left, from whom he differs little in origin and outlook, after all.

He has some popular following and could be an alternative leader to, say, Soustelle when de Gaulle departs. Hence, in

NN the strategy of the big names and electoral calculations which dominate new left thinking he is quite an asset. Ex-Communists A smaller group which tags along with these is made up of mainly intellectual former Communists. Their general drift, since 1957, has been towards reformism. They remember from their Stalinist training the themes of the Popular Front and the parliamentary road; they have been impressed by the ability of French capitalism to modernise itself and expand in recent years.

They have never seriously analysed their experience with the Communist Party and have been fair game for anyone offering an occasional big meeting and a supply of discussion literature.

The new party can pride itself on not being monolithic or sectarian. In fact it is a Popular Front in miniature: it has everything except the C.P. and popular support. It contains the remnants of a number of left Catholic groups, looking over their shoulder at the Vatican, as well as case-hardened fellow-travellers who trim their sails to the Kremlin breezes.

It has many of the weaknesses of the British Labour Party (so much envied by its leaders) and none of its strength— deep roots in the working class and trade unions and a mass following.

Its leaders are accomplished phrase-mongers and political commentators. They seek a short cut. They are exponents of political arithmetic of the kind which adds up numbers, regardless of the fact that a succession of zeros adds up to nothing.

Their campaigns will be limited by the need to find a common denominator to keep together the discordant elements in their own ranks. They are full of expectations, waiting for the day when the regime will crack from its own mistakes, rather than building a movement which can deliver blow for blow now.

The crisis which blew up over events in Algiers last January shows the character of the leadership which can be expected from the new party. The new left groups in the university, for example, following the conditional support offered to de Gaulle, raised the slogan ‘No one behind de Gaulle. Everyone at his side!’

No wonder many of those seeking real socialist policies have drifted away from the party even before its official foundation. Others may follow them. But there will remain a considerable number of young workers and _ intellectuals who have been drawn to it by its apparent dynamism and freshness.

It is to be hoped that their experience will contribute to the building of the working-class party which French conditions demand. The new experiment in centrism must be seen in this light.

eee tion to London that ‘we will not be put off any longer and intend to meet in three weeks’ time when the Port Workers’ Committee will recommend forms of action for consideration, to achieve these demands.’

Numerous resolutions demanding an immediate wage increase have gone from dockers’ branches of the Transport and General Union.

However, Mr. Tim O’Leary, national docks officer of the T and G is reported to have said to a recent meeting of Birkenhead dockers that if they wanted more money then they would have to work harder.

A united front for a fight At the meeting last Sunday, A. McEchnie, secretary of the port workers’ committee, told the dockers present that if there was no response by the officials to the wishes of the rank and file then we must prepare to forge a unity nationally that will shut down the whole industry in support of overdue demands.

Said the closing speaker, Joe Cubbin: ‘We must have immediate contact with Birkenhead, Manchester, Hull and London, so that when we fight, we fight with a front as solid as the national port employers.’