The Newsletter, vol. 6 no. 258

EDITORIAL the struggle lies THE Moscow World Congress for Peace and Disarmament was irrelevant to the fight against the nuclear war danger. As the congress began, Kennedy made his contribution by letting off the space bomb. Imperialism continued its preparation for war against the USSR and China. le fight which CND has helped to develop, to stop the danger of nuclear war, cannot be separated from the defence of the USSR. Those members of the Committee of 100, who try to argue for unilateral disarmament by the Soviet Union would do well to contemplate the following facts about the destruction and destitution caused by the Nazi invasion of the USSR. 710 towns and over 70,000 villages destroyed, 25 million people left homeless; unknown millions killed and total damage amounting to 2ł million, million old roubles! was not pacifism that saved the USSR but the Red Army and the revolutionary struggles in Europe and Asia. The Committee might have forgotten this-but the Soviet people have not.

The farcical exhibition in Red Square was proof of this fact. At the same time, of course, it indicated the fear of the Soviet bureaucrats of setting a precedent for demonstrations of any kind. Only carefully organised 'spontaneous' movements can be permitted. it it was here in London that the real character of the antibomb struggle was brought out most clearly last week. While the Moscow congress was sending messages asking Kennedy to alter his policy, a judge was sentencing a young schoolteacher, Des Lock, to 15 months' imprisonment for his activity on behalf of the Committee of 100. is vicious sentence, on charge of incitement, was based on statements made at a private meeting at which a Special Branch agent was present. le Labour movement must give every protection it can to Des Lock and all like him. The silence of the 'official' Labour leaders is criminal. le fight to end the threat of nuclear destruction involves a struggle with the savage state machine of capitalism. The Labour movement must organise itself to win this struggle.

THERE is nothing funny about the Tory crisis. The hard-headed businessmen who manage the Conservative Party are making a desperate bid to retain office at the next General Election. By reshuffling his Cabinet, Macmillan hopes to create, at least until the election, a more liberal' public image through which it is hoped to win back those voters who have gone to the Liberal Party in recent months.

Should the Tories win the election they will have a more youthful and ruthless team in the saddle to go to war against the trade unions. If there is anxiety in government and financial circles it is not over Selwyn Lloyd and his confederates who have been chopped, but over the timing of Macmillan's move. They are just not certain that it has come soon enough.

United States imperialism has forced the Tories step by step into the Common Market at the expense of Commonwealth preference. Stubbornly, the old guard around Macmillan have done everything they can to bargain for the best economic relations with the Commonwealth as well as with the Common Market.

Swing to liberals

What the Tories fear most of all is that with the swing to the Liberals they will be defeated, the Labour Party will come to power with a small majority, while the Liberals will occupy substantially more seats in the House and possibly even hold the balance of power.

This could lead to an unstable political situation similar to that which has existed in France since the end of the war.

Under these circumstances, Mr. Gaitskell would be a bad risk for the capitalists, since it is not at all certain that he could hold off the considerable demands for nationalisation which will undoubtedly arise in the Labour Party and the trades unions when the economic situation grows worse.

Instability

The Tories are also more anxious about the new Liberal voters. These disgruntled Tories are pushing them further to the Right than they are prepared to go.

In a period of parliamentary instability, Mr. Grimond may not be able to control his new crop of ultra-Right, neo-fascist supporters. The danger of a quickening political tempo involving a swing to the Right and a swing to the Left is considered a dangerous gamble by the Tory Party chiefs.

They want

Selwyn Lloyd: chopped

Tory government under a new leadership which will hammer the working class into accepting lower wages and longer working hours.

Fight the trade unions but keep the Tory Party, is the slogan. Avoid a situation in which there could be a swing to the Left that will not be controlled by Gaitskell and a swing to the Right that will not be controlled by Grimond.

It is highly unlikely that the Tory reshuffle will halt the threat of an unstable parliament in the coming years. This conclusion is emphasized by the break-up of the electoral polarization between the parties.

No policy Since 1950 almost an equal number of votes have been cast in each General Election for both major parties. The swing to the Liberals has disrupted this beyond repair.

The trend in the by-elections indicates that while Labour is holding its own, it cannot win middle-class supporters because it has no policy to inspire them. If the trend of the by-elections cont. p.S, col. 5 Foulkes: pages 3 & 4 The full statement of the expelled ETU President The full statement of the expelled ETU appears in this 6-page Newsletter appears in this 6-page Newsletter action W statement of Frank Foulkes, not because we agree "E are publishing in this issue of THe NEWSLeTTEr the with him and his political opinions, but because his statement is of interest to the Labour movement and should be seriously studied.

THE NEWSLETTER is not in any demeanours which went on inside the On December 14, 1957, we wr imperative. If Frank Haxell and "defending" the union in the way they and file do not not intervene, then the ETU will fall like a ripe plum into the hands of the Right wing.' Unfortunately, we were right.

We were opposed to the court action. The place to settle the affairs of the union, we said, was inside the union.

Amongst the present leaders of the ETU is Mr. Leslie Cannon, who in his evolution away from the British Communist Party collaborated for a brief period with the Trotskyists. As soon as it became known that Mr. Cannon was going fast to the Right, our movement broke completely from him.

CANNON Lest Mr. Cannon should have something to say about our publication of Frank Foulkes' statement, we should remind him that in the same issue of THE NEWSELTTER we also said the following:

'Les Cannon resigned from the Communist Party over Hungary, and from that day on the Communist Party machine has done everything it could to destroy Cannon.

' He was sacked from his post at the union's Esher college on economy grounds. But the fact that the rest of the leadership continue to draw what many members consider handsome salaries and profligate expenses suggests that economy may not be the only reason.

' Many think that Cannon was sacked because he had broken from the Communist Party, just as Frank Chapple, who has got on the EC, did not receive the full support of the diehards in the course of his election because he is a critic President way justifying the misElectrical Trades Union, ote: 'Speedy action is Frank Foulkes go on are doing, and the rank • • In their fight against Cannon, the ETU leaders have abandoned socialist principles. There was never any attempt to conduct a political struggle against him, to combat his ideas or answer his arguments.

'Nor did anyone dare to suggest that the moment he turned in his Communist Party membership card his abilities (praised to the skies not long before suddenly and mysteriously vanished.' Right from the court case last July, THE NEWSLETTER has maintained that what was being organised was a witch-hunt against the unions which was strengthening the Right wing and the employers.

The expulsion of Haxell and others and the treatment meted out to Foulkes are part of this witch-hunt. Almost on the same day that Foulkes was expelled, a confidential circular was sent round to the branches of the union dealing with finance.

We have not seen this circular, but we are informed that it is drawn up by a solicitor. One can imagine its purpose at a time when there is undoubtedly great sympathy for Frank Foulkes.

WHY?

In the light of all this, how can members of the Communist Party explain the silence of their leadership? Why have they not defended Frank Foulkes and the others? Why have they not given a clear lead against the witch-hunt?

Rumour has it that much more serious matters have still to come out. This may or may not be true. It is said, for example, that it is impossible for the members of the Communist Party's industrial department in King Street to open a cupboard door in case a skeleton falls out.

So far as he ETU is concerned, they are living in a graveyard.

cont. p. o, col. 2

EW second of 'ticles SLAUI July 21

THE recent publicity given to the activities of Mr. Colin Jordan and his supporters raises once again the question: how to smash fascism? The reply of liberals and reformists of all types is either ignore them or use the law against them.

How effective is this?

At the moment the small fascist groups are not particularly important in themselves. The membership of the National Socialist Party is 35. Neither individually nor collectively are they at all impressive.

But it would be wrong to write them off. There is a growth of racialism in parts of London like Brixton and Notting Hill. There are increasing signs of it in big cities such as Birmingham, Manchester, Nottingham, Middlesbrough and Bradford.

WARNING!

With the spread of unemployment in the textile industry and struggles ahead in engineering, the employers will certainly attempt to split the workers according to the colour of their skin.

This is the significance of the small-time imitators of Hitler. At the moment they are unimportant because big business does not yet need them. • But as the problems of capitalism get worse, big business more and more comes to feel that it cannot maintain its rule by normal 'democratic' methods.

Eventually they may feel that even normal trades union activity can no longer be tolerated and that the working-class movement has to be smashed. At that stage, big business turns to fascism, as it did to Hitler in the 1930s.

Jack Fascism does a thorough job. It tightly controls every aspect of the State machine and destroys every form of genuine working - class organisation. Trotskyists, communists, shop stewards, militants, trades union officials and even Social Democrats are ruthlessly exterminated. Every part of working class life is closely watched and controlled to prevent the emergence of any form of opposition.

The fascists, therefore, are not merely a bunch of distasteful cranks. They are a warning sign of what the decay of capitalism can produce.

Should they, then, be outlawed? Certainly the Labour movement should demand that they be given no far cilities to spread their poison They should be driven out whereever they show themselves.

But it would be a grave mistake to think that capitalist legality can be any defence against fascism. In pre-Nazi Germany there were many trials of small-time fascist thugs. Hitler himself was imprisoned. But the same people who imprisoned him later handed him the power.

Moreover, those Tories and liberals who now talk of legislation against fascism would have no hesitation in using that legislation against the labour movement-that is, against those people who are fighting fascism EVIDENCE There is plenty of evidence for that. The infamous American Smith Act was originally introduced ostensibly for use against fascists.

When anti-Tory rent demonstations were banned in St. Pancras two years ago, the police invoked an act introduced in the '30s as a result of fascist violence. And already one Tory MP has proposed that no meetings at all should be allowed in Trafalgar Square.

The job of stopping fascism belongs to the working class. Any other method only paves the way for it. In pre-fascist Italy and Germany —as France today-liberals and formists relied on capit: politicians to keep out fascists.

DISARMED

They pinned their hopes on King Victor. Emmanuel and President Hindenburg. This only disarmed the workers, and when the capitalist class eventually turned to fascism it was precisely Victor Emmanuel and Hindenburg who handed over the power on their behalf.

The Social Democrats-then, as now—-were all for 'moderation' in order that 'public opinion' would prefer their respectability to the violence of the fascists. In the revolutionary wave that followed World War I, the Social Democrats deliberately betrayed the working class and opened the door to fascism.

BETRAYED

In Italy, for instance, workers were seizing factories and industries in September 1920, but the leadership drew back. Then in November 1920 came the first big demonstration of Italian fascism. • The failure of working-class leadership provides the opportunity for fascism.

Another article appear next week. in relist the THE tollowing paragraph should have been included in the report headed Fourth International in THe NEWSLETTEr of July 14, in the section dealing with the statement of the Socialist Workers' Party (USA).

• The majority and minority unanimously commended the invitation recently extended by the International Committee to the International Secretariat to join in forming a. Parity Commission that could conduct a common discussion and explore possibilities for the two main sectors of the world Trotskyist movement to begin working together?

LOST TIME

Before the factory gate the worker stopped, and saw beaming round and red in a deep blue sky comrade sun dragging his coat tails.

And as he looked he winked knowingly. ' Well chum, he 'don't you think its a dead loss to give a day like to the boss?' French

THE NEWSL Page Thre

HE first part of this article (THe NEWSLETTER July 7) examined the report to a Communist Party conference by John Gollan, General Secretary of the Party. The Daily Worker (June 18) headlined this report Why Britain Needs Thousands more Communists, but the Party Gollan leads is not a Communist Party in the true sense of the word.

The communist movement was founded by Lenin and the Bolsheviks to lead the working class in the modern epoch of imperialist oppression, war and workers' revolution. The 'peaceful' and 'parliamentary' methods of the old socialist parties had proved not only ineffective but treacherous, serving to tie the working class behind the capitalists.

Stalinism has returned to the "parliamentary' method. Gollan concentrates on the number of election candidates and getting more left-wingers on the TUC general council, instead of building a revolutionary party to win the leadership of the Labour movement.

It is very true that the British working class need thousands in a real communist party, a party which organises for the great class battles ahead and fights the traitors in their own movement; but Gollan's Communist Party does not do this.

In Scotland, where thousands of miners will be put out of work, the CP has opposed the real preparation for working-class resistance. Communist Party leaders in the National Union of Mineworkers opposed strikes against pit closures, concentrating instead on parliamentary lobbies and calls for a government commission-by the same government which is closing the pits!

Instead of a working class fight against the monopolies as they prepare for the Common Market, we find the CP campaigning in Scotland for a ' Scottish Convention' of all 'progressives'. In London the energies of Party members are diverted into the campaign around the 'Greater London Plan' The problem of the CP is not one of size but of its programme. The French and Italian CPs, millions strong, have not been able to lead the workers to power. They all accept the 'parliamentary road to socialism', which blinds the movement to the need for revolutionary preparation.

Once the idea is accepted that, above all, peace with the capitalist governments must be preserved, then peaceful methods of 'pressure' become the order of the day.

A slow of influence in parliament, local councils and the trades union hierarchy become the political methods of what was once a revolutionary party.

When the governments of Britain and France fight colonial wars a communist leadership should campaign for strike action, especially by dockers and seamen, to stop supplies in solidarity with Malayan or Algerian workers. Instead, it is 'questions in parliament' and 'peace petitions'.

In France, it went even further, with the 'Communist' MPs voting emergency powers to the French government for the suppression of the Algerian revolution.

The isolation of the CP from the decisive struggles in the British Labour movement will prevent any real growth of the Party.

The electoral swing against the Tories and the mass struggles now beginning in industry will heighten this crisis in the trades unions and the Labour, party.. A new Labour government will find Gaitskell and company completely inadequate. The nationalisation of steel, engineering, chemicals, building, etc., will become immediate necessities for the working class, and will rouse the resistance of the capitalists.

It is in the Labour Party that the decisive political conflict will be fought out, in order to equip the British workers for the struggle for state power.

Those militants who remain in the CP are isolated right from the start of the fight. Just as Gollan's report makes no examination of the wreckage of the CP leadership in the ETU-and the CP can really carry out no campaign against Byrne and the Right wing-so the conflict in the Labour Party goes on with the CP members completely cut off from it.

We are entering a period when parliamentary methods will be utterly exposed, just as they were in France four years ago.

CP members should draw the conclusions immediately and take their place alongside the Marxists in the Socialist Labour League in the fight against the Right wing in the Labour Party and trades unions. Sack Jordan!

PARLOUR pinks in the Labour Party and around the Communist Party are getting into a 'freedom' dither over the fascist, Colin Jordan. Should he, or should he not, be allowed to continue as a teacher in a Coventry school? r. Jordan is one of the many gentlemen who are noW aspiring to be Britain's Fuehrer, which, for the Labour movement, would mean a fate even worse than any brought about by Hitler and his thugs. le racialists are extremely busy at the moment because they can visualise some substantial support from the monopolists in the days ahead. The capitalist state in Britain today cannot deal with these fascists. istory has shown that the only way to deal with fascism is through the action of the working class in the struggle to take power and establish socialism. The only people who can fight the fascists are not the police but the working class organised for this purpose. areas where there are Labour-controlled councils and educational bodies, the working class should do everything possible to deprive fascists of their means of employment. Anyone who gets up as Jordan does and declares that Hitler was right must become a main target of attack so far as the working class is concerned. He must take the consequences.

We say, therefore, should be sacked.

Fourth

International

STATEMENT OF FRANK FOULKES TO THE ETU EXECUTIVE N February pleast tell me, that being the mind at the moment. 23, I ad- third time that you have used Q. By 'rigging', when you give those same words, whether you me this explanation you mean mean by them, 'I did not know fraudulently rigging? letter to the General Secretary If it was rigged it was not rigged the election was being rigged. A. Well, I do not know by what by us,' or 'I did not know it was means it could be done, my Lord. being by someone other than us.

Dear Sir Please convey my apology . I did not know it was being Tell me what those words mean. Q. When you use fraud of some kind? you imply. or intend word 'rig' to imply, meeting this weekend. As you the EC for my absence from the rigged by anybody, but sus- pected it was being rigged bv A. Yes.

are aware, I am under my somebody. Q. Involving the of extra doctor's instructions at the Q. Suspected the time it number on? ballots with the cori ect code moment. being rigged somebody?

It has been conveyed to me A. No. A. I would not know that, my sonal assistants have informed that one or both of your per- Q. Suspected rigged? Lord. What I had in the first place was the late mind in certain press representatives that the EC will suspend me from office during this weekend. If this is the intention of members A. Gradually seeped into various thin gs occu me as these lings have at various haye seen about. posungs. Ine oner side have got itineraries out, a thing that would never have thought I am giving my feelings TL - - 11.

state my case against those who of the Executive, - would sug- gest that I should be allowed to times. self credit Then you are by. the not doing your- words you before now. When I examined the itineraries I did not see itineraries 1 came into Court.

have such intention." used. you ao not mean "1 I find that anyone at our office suspected it was being rigged, would be foolish, even if they this you mean 'At some time I suspected that it had already been posting in certain branches, be- were so wicked, to do this late rigged.' Is that what you mean? cause there are certain branches my years of office as the General outside social contact was Brother about my I am speaking now, my Lord. on those itineraries that have not President there has, in fact, been McLennan and that existed long and have Brother Yes. Now you suspect? years been traditionallv. but for manv. manv opposed to us, to the two distinct and separate depart- ments in the the office. In fact, before either of of the union. us became officials That it Executive and to me as a the present General Secretary has am, of course, a member of That it was being rigged by That it negotiator, the kind of branch been in the office since July last the Communist Party and so were that if I : sent a letter to them my Executive Council col- po Do you care to say by whom? informing them I had been advice I do not know, neither have year and although I have tendered the others, but it is well known successful in negotiating an in- that my time as an official of the I cannot prove it, my Lord. crease in wages for them they I enquired about, his department's union is fully occupied and my Do you care to say whom you would 100K tor some sinister administrative activities. interest in the trade union movethat I will judged on suspect of having rigged your purpose. No matter what action Although there have at- ment is such that unfortunately, 1 make today have very little time to spend on political work of any kind.

ON Sunday, July 9, 1962, Mr. Frank Foulkes, General President of the Electrical The only evidence on Trades Union, appeared before the Executive Council of the union, charged with not question of 'association' was provided by Brother Blairford, alexercising his authority during the scrutiny of the December 1959 election, conspiring though Brother Cannon had been to get the result through the Executive and generally bringing discredit on the union. engaged for a considerable period After a trial' lasting four and a half hours, Mr. Foulkes was expelled by seven votes in accumulating evidence and interviewing witnesses. The Newsletter prints here the full statement which Mr. Foulkes presented What did Brother Blairford say still of the opinion the witness box on the subject that dispute within this no 'association'? I quote from union need be taken to the page 56 of day 6 of the Trial, Courts. If the evidence which was procured for the Court in methods? election and like, we take they oppose it. If anyone was doing this, they tempts by various General Secre- taries to interfere in negotiations, he was under cross-exami lation commencing at paragraph A when tive Council and the member- been presented to the Execu- the ballot-rigging case had _ I could not say the I cannot visualise the but I would say it has rigged by Cannon and method; method. those been about that. They must know that there is going to be a row branches like we know them, must know, if they knew the -Contracting-taken exception to I have always with one exception such interference. The reason I AT by Counsel. TUC ship, I am quite sure a verdict people associated with him that the Press will obviously get allowed the Secretariat to conduct When do you say y ou had would have resulted which throughout the country. to know, and so forth and so negotiations in Electrical Con- this discussion with Mr. Haxell?

disrupted and divided movement generally, benefit our union would been of union would not ha ve want to say, I want to give Q. Rigged so as to produce A. Rigged to produce Mr. Justice Winn: Whatever Haxell victory? void election. I do ... should I proceed? a null and not think leagues has been guilty of late that were not valid in order to somebody other than my col- tremendous number of votes on. So I, personally, think that keep this atmosphere going; and posting in order to create a automatically e in accordance of Whitleyism because every questions in tracting and lected to the Chair that industry was with the principles deal with general second year I am and traditionally, VUNI A. It was either 1954 or I say some place, 1 am not think. It was at the remember the exact year. Union Congress, but I I cannot remember exactly Where was it? 1955, 1 Trades cannot at the moment. every opportunity. they are my honest feelings- the Chairman of NJIC for the sure it would be right.

wish to reiterate only feelings; I cannot prove a contracung aoes Mantanatin- • l am Just trying to test have repeated many times, that thing. from the Chair. recollection about this.

the election conspiracy, 1 am not knowledge, guilty of fraud or neither had I at any had time, been that any bad thoughts if you like, is that Foulkes: My theory, or at least my (I made a mistake here, I meant Cannon and the other defendant theory Judge witness 1 no found that, in fa box to be correct. expressed from longer consider which our union negotiates where This is the only industry A. I do not remember was? am not too sure. I think it was Soutl What year do thin Head Office in strict conformity ducted by those with the Rules. 'ict res ponsible at as the General Secretary. Byrne he had done so previously against other plaintiff) did not want Byrne was determined to stand because me, quite rightly, he is entitled to carried 1 say that I not know not contesting that finding fraud had been planned out in this office. and than sit in the negotiations as a this is so and, therefore, rather unable to carry out my function cypher and, by tradition, be O. Do you remember the in which the conversation place? Was it hotel, TUC was at Southport place took or where? during the whole of the period stand; but during that period and planned overall exercise. carried details or the as chief negotiator for the union according to the Rules, I refrained Q. That gives us plenty of so A. It was in a Between time the (again I meant the plaintiffs) and that I have known the defendants from attending meetings of the Do you remember which 1 bar? ope. evidence. convinced that the the leadership of the explained theory been the victims of a issued being and concluded, 1 the High Union during Union plot al 'ourt had Id I was and they do not want him as the they have never been very, very all those people surrounding them friendly. Byrne decided to stand. They decide to adopt him, but General Secretary. Court refused the Court Judge's findings. Judge's findings High have been found guilty in and the Appeal in relation claim that alter the to do so. interest myself in questions of ing in the Rules that requires me administration, and there is noth- have I had any ambition to ally asked to do so. NJIC for Contracting unless speci- I have never intertered, nether A. Mr. Foulkes was with us. Q. I dare say there are. A. I am afraid not. I k when this discussion you there were a lot of anybody else present in thi took place? way. Was now bar say We Mr. of day I quote F. Foulkes-Cross-examined. of the Trial: trom pages and continue the atmosphere that has been prevalent in our organisation What they want to do is to to the miscarriage of justice. myself and the Appeal Judges decision of is by Gardiner, instructed by Brothers Byrne and Chapple, to Attempts were made in Court Q. You Mr. Haxell drew aside from Mr. Foulk discuss this question. aside. es to from four years ago when Cannon It is my contention that I have prove a social relationship between A. We drew aside was discharged from the college been found guilty by association. the other four defendants who Foulkes. A. i did e electio it? rigged? rian saying this morning you can say because we had to close the college down on financial reasons. I was therefore I did know. There was known-I must have known-and It is asserted that I should have repeatedly made assertions that I were found guilty and myself. He had lunch in the General Secre- • vu wal it. roulkes could n. En that Da..1l._- not hear what you were talking about; was that the idea?

A. I did not know it Q. You did not know parts of the country. north, south. this is hearsay if you like-but I that I did know, or that I had not one shred of direct evidence any tary's room with an assembly of supporters. Everyone at this office, A. I did not know what Mr. Haxell's intentions were, but in Q. I suggest that not rigged but you knew believe it was rigged only was it all through by us. not made statements that would part in the fraud, that I a conspirator. was including the staff, knows that is occasion, had lunch in the untrue. I have never, on any General to say to me anything in front of Mr. Foulkes. any case he was not prepared A. I did not know all through what was being done, and I still exacuy wnat was being done. by us. say the election was not rigged things could happen in our organi- kind of thing coming into my spend every penny he had to smash Haxell. Now with that 'association' In while there has been r Let us examine the the o strict line question first place, Secretary's office, neither which may have taken place there. participated in any discussions The only one of the have I that the evid will be seen from the Brother Justice of demarcation defendants with ha Con

ENEWSLET

• My future rests in the hands of the members' ford proves disassociation received replies, the scrutineers done the on all the queries. very friendly towards him and, in truth, but neither the Courts than positive association. could only make decisions on the The two rank and file consequence, as I stated in court, nor this Executive Council have I have always trusted my col- documents before them, and in scrutineers, Brothers Rengert I was vexed with him on the right to assume that I did leagues and I was convinced they the majority of cases where there and Shipman, were discharged particular occasion. know without direct proof that were carrying out their duties in was a query there would be no from the case by the Judge at My method usually, is allow I had guilty knowledge. the best interests of the union. I thought they were all doing that, explanation or denial branches in relation to from their the request of Mr. Gardiner on I preside to conduct themselves meetings or conferences which On the task the Judge as I was. On page 47, paragraph E of the violation of the rules. He said five years prior to the instructions Byrne and Chapple. of Brothers The effect and give only friendly advice from the Chair to enable Executive self in relation to the demeanour and apparent personality of myself Judgement, the Judge found that 1959 there was a surplus of ballot of this was to throw • the lime- Council members or delegates to as a witness, he had less than two I had no knowledge of the exist- papers in the office and this was light on to Brother McLennan arrive at agreed conclusions on the days in which to determine my ence of surplus ballot papers in done in order that he cou Id supply and myself. subjects under debate. character. During that two days the office. The Judge says: neither Mr. Foulkes nor Mr. I am prepared to believe that branches which ballot papers. short of Rengert and If the evi dence Brothers Shipman on day 22 Council meeting I had At this particular liar. his assessment resulted in the finding that I fraud 1d McLennan participated in that. of the Trial is perused, it will On the posting of be that seen throughout their Ivelopes, Their he said: temperamer 1959) the estimated figures gave On this occasion (December they took they all persisted in saying the decisions in The members of our union have think, , ti ›o prudent automatic surplus and although relation to the scrutiny of the known me much longer than that for such word is a crime. not inept, to St. Pancras Station, he did not knew they were to be delivered ballot, irt from seeking and I am quite certain the active membership with whom I have know where they were kept at the advice on various minor worked for many years and the Head Office, and his department questions of no significance, general membership for whom I rang the printers when they Brother McLen and myself have negotiated, will not agree If I am too prudent and ceived a request from a branch for played no part decisions with the finding of the Judge. squeamish to do these kind of extra ballot papers. that taken. Our members will appreciate things, surely the same argument applies to in other directions. dealing with the ballot, did not Even Oliver, who was physically that I have always concentrated on what I considered to be the There was no evidence or know where there surplus ballot most important task in any trade finding on this aspect of the papers were kept. The S and N The Judge inferred that had union, that of negotiating better and I do not think it was suggested that I was in any way they were envelopes but he did were also in the office not know in whose care placed. They presentation of material to the guilty knowledge of the distorted national scrutineers and he arrived ledge of total number of the members the art of negotiating. wages and conditions and teaching implicated in the use of surplus in his care. at this conclusion by some qualifications and it was my My 47 years' membershipballot papers in any of the mysterious logical process which is intention to keep the number years as a full-time official, branches where they were used. not apparent to me. There is no away from the Executive Council. as the General President-and knowledge of the surplus ballot It is established that I had no the same mistake they says the scru ineers made have always evidence and no finding that 1 played any part in placing the I am not going to place the responsibility anywhere. I admit I my belief in our membership their confidence in my meeting of the Executive Council papers in the office or the sub- question of the scrutiny and the stitute envelopes; that leaves the on February 6, 1960. made. They took it that the details before were provided by th substantially correct required checking. them, which for granted staff, and was used at the scrutiny. branch returns in of the branch returns a physical imposs was concerned. the ibility as far in these files various files The placing relation to that particular meeting chairmanship on this occasion may have been guilty of bad but that is all I would admit in of the Executive Council. necessary to establish, within the union of the charges ompels action as at least, to take be was of the opinion that although Up to the time of the trial, I They took decisions on queries not seen the files conspiracy.

where the staff concerned were not the scrutiny, I did not have access Bob Oliver had retired from the clear about the acceptance or to them and I had not had any After quoting the Appeal Judg- I wish to continue serving requested to spend two or three service of the union, he had been rejection of a return or discussions with any individual ment-Hornal v. Meuberger Pro- membership to the best of my branches disagreed with about the files. I have never ducts Limited —as his guiding ability, as I have done for many ally to handle the December 1959 days per week in the office especi- the 'all right' file to this day. factor, Mr. Justice Winn, on page years, by retaining the position ballots. I was under the impres- stated in court and my counsel 73 of the Judgement said: to which I was elected until I sion he had exercised complete stated so for me, that Accordingly, I directed myself retire in two control over the ballot as he had worried about the number upon this issue, which is crucial always done over the previous final return. I did not know branch disqualifications in the the and extremely grave, the priate standard of proof r rust be approledge, and that he had prepared 30 years according to my know- exact number of disqualifications very high and the onus on the plaintiffs. wholly all the material scrutiny for but knew there were a great many, Before a Judge of trial sitting I did not decide to go sick in but no Judge has said that I knew without a Jury decides such an order to ensure that I would the proportion of disqualifications issue as this one of substitution for either of the two candidates. he has the lonely task of receive my pension. interviewed Bob Oliver after The Judge found that there debating it with his conscience. took rest and treatment on my the trial and prior tr my Appeal, plan to push through It goes without saying that the doctor's instructions because I and he has stated to had been handling the me that if he ballot in national scrutineers' return by im- proper procedure at the Executive and apparent personality of each witness must play an essential closest study of the demeanour am determined to fight to retain the reputation of honesty and December 1959 as to, he used Council meeting and that I was a and, indeed, a decisive part in integrity which I have built 'this would never had happened' party to the plan and took part such a determination. (Mr. throughout a lifetime of service He says Frank Haxell would not carrying it into effect. Foulkes' emphasis—Ed.) in the trade union movement. have been elected. He continued his statement to me by saying, there was a considerable time lag between the returns arriving at the show that 'association', and I can assure this a plan, only inference based on There is I was a party to such no direct evidence to plaintiffs proof whatsoever The facts are, produced that no di I had rect leave this in hands of future but prepared I know risking am the am my to office and being passed to his Executive Council that I neither participated in the fraud or the membership, many of department, thus giving the oppor- knew of such a plan nor dd I conspiracy. Like the Appeal know me personally, and tunity for substitute envelopes to knowingly assist in carrying Judges, they said that because trusted me to negotiate be used and for a check to be kept plan into effect. of my association with the other living standards for of the score by someone other four defendants I should have than the staff employed in his known-I must have kn years. department. and therefore I did If t Executive He said he started, in his usual Everyone decide to suspend ne way, to write to branches inform- informing them they had violated presiding: everyone knows that office regardless of them that they had violated the rules, or where there had been Brother Chapple had got under my and a ballot of the the Rules and inviting their com- ments. This was stopped on complaints regarding the conduct of the ballot. He stated that if skin on more than one occasion at Executive Council meetings by The fact is, is impossible for me to prove I did n is necessary, such ballot uld rec Jest be instructions from Jim Humphrey. he was in doubt, he always making insulting remarks and by So apart from those branches to sulted the General Secretary and referring to me in a way which the negative, you will have to ducted by a of chartered whom he had already written and feels Jim Humphrey must have was not conducive to my being take my word that this is the accountants. ht Vi tcl subjected to a vicious The Newsletter the weapon of tained itch-hunt by the Labour movement in the wing of the Labour move- struggle for socialist policies; the fight for better Socialist Labour League is the ditions for the militant Marxist party that is This witch-hunt spread into a wholesale attack upon militants arming the Labour movement with in the trades unions and Labour theory and experience with which Party as the Right wing bows to to defeat the Tories. the needs of the monopolists as they prepare for entry into the Common Market.

The Newsletter vigorously defended all those under attack Because of its principled stand by the Right wing and was the cies on the need for socialist policies only paper of the Left to stress to beat the monopolists and H- the need to defend the ETU in the bomb war-lords, the Socialist light of the coming blows against Labour League and its have all trades

21.196 ENEWSLETTER Page F Tory New Look from page 1, col. 3 continues then an unstable parliament seems un: ivoidable, despite Macmillan's Cabinet reshuffle.

Great opportunities are opportunities opening out for the Labour Party which cannot be realised under Gaitskell's leadership. The party should not base itself exclusively

FLN - the split widens Ben Bella is gaining ground upon winning the next General Election on right-wing policies which are reactionary and inadequate.

It shoul prepare now to extend the campaign already initiated by a number of Left MPs to raise the whole question of nationalisation before the unity rld. County electorate. Such demands, howconservative Labourism, has ever, must not be campaigned registering signs of shock from the recommendations of a for along the lines of the past nationalisation policies of the the London housing situation. The Labour government. Nationaport of the best organised appointed by the LCC itself and no doubt more lisation needs to be backed by units of the liberation army. bureaucrats are having second thoughts. the introduction of workers' fact there are more than The recommendations are far from socialist, but they are control into these industries and two tendencies this move- in sufficiently radical to cause palpitations at County Hall. (The this all-important point must be For the moment, how- mere fact that the LCC is being urged to take action included in Labou r's policy. evel, the conservative will have done that.) petty bourgeois elements - The report, the result of an homes due tc those prepared to carry eight-month survey, proves the next 20 years. through to the hilt the Evian lie of the 'affluent society' and tax on property developers the Prime Minister whatever sell-out - will stand behind shows the conditions of working class after 11 the of shortage and who profit planning restrictions. from the housing votes at would This ertainly win them the next election, campaign might their private differences. Tory rule. The LCC immediately stated period when the crisis gets year there were 3,817 homeless says on April this that the first point, acquisition, a suitable guide to the outlook of would be too expensive. This is worse. prepare not just for the imme- Labour must, therefore, are differences. Responding to the camp, too, there French lie people in the county of London. This is a substantial rise since Christmas when the problem the council which is firmly rooted in the society where landlords and speculators are given a free rein. that the Tories are now gripped diate future but on the basis by an insoluble economic crisis the and army, Ben Bella and his from the peasantry Ben Khedda for Ferhat Abbas was first spotlighted. Thousands of London working- which will provide many oppomeant that 'the nationalist revolu- The underlying cause for this class families are living the most tunities for socialism to be friends call the into agreement tion' is now indeed to be followed terrible situation, the report says, shocking and tragic existences, introduced in the coming question. They want to occupy by a 'socialist revolution'. He is the rising prosperity of white- without homes, split up, forced to held by a larger part of the field formerly the colonialists, but 'socialist revolutionary' and catalogues Ben Khedda as his lower-paid manual workers losing collar workers, which results in the stay in undignified 'lodges' though they were criminals. as the Those MPs initiative must who now press although they may play with colleagues 'well-known as men for ground in the struggle for homes. LCC has for serious nat onalisation revolutiol ary phrases, they also their socia marxist ded list and Few wage-earning families policy discussion inside the want to keep in check the tion in London can afford to buy pathetic inability to take action. Labour Party the trades elemental forces which give the a house out of current income? Now the Labour unions. Algerian revolution its the team states. They no longer its own campaign in If this done, could mark get the high priority for a In the meantime the two What does realise not council house; in fact they have unions and Labour parties for a a turning point for a real camps denounce each other with 'moderate and responsible' bour- little chance of getting one. show-down :h the Labour offensive to get rid of a vehemence which makes it geois politicians now take on a Clores and for a socialist the Tories and introduce a seem unlikely that real com- promise is possible. It is sig- colouration as a matter of course. socialist, and even a Marxist, report are: main rec housing government ist policies. pled ed socialHe says nothing, of course, about Acquisition LCC nificant that Ben Khedda and his ministers are denounced leadership, but takes it largely at the social basis of the Algerian SELWYN LLOY sacking 'traitors' and ac complices its own evaluation. follows two days after a Treafascism, as well for sury statement that no Another book in the same series, sonality cult. African Profiles, by Ronald Segal flationary action is needed has something to say about the stimulate the economy.

Evian agreement. While correctly tempered this view by outlining its terms, he can yet that should the American econoarmy leaders obviously be- claim that Algeria 'is now com- mic situation deteriorate then it selves admit that they are not are concerned, it must be rememlieve t necessary to flatter the them. They are pressing for a re- people and stress their links with socialism' mitted to policy of militant had weapons enough - bank rate, special deposits, purchase likely to maintain level after. September. Increasing costs in Europe have their present bered that these are only possible since they imply pumping a vast by substantial deficit financing, call of the National Revolutionary tax reductions-to remedy any meant that some British manu- amount of money into the Council, in which they hope to ill effects. factures are proportionately economy by government spending. put Ben Khedda into a minority Perple Seg: Baulin The change the Treasury, cheaper and this has led to the industry itself is not in the mood, and thus form a goveinment of must have a queer social- idea however, is a tacit recognition slightly better export figures. But at the moment, to embark on their choosing. own ism; they must, in equate it fact, that conventional methods that with signs of a world recession, it heavy capital spending.

the moment it that with something to right of the have usefully served Tory mone- is doubtful whether this state of lan Macleod has already hinted tions which form part council, notably among ground in some of the Ben Bella's faction organisa- the emi- of this gaining social basis of the movements and Again, there is not much about the preached by nationalist leaders. Mr. Gaitskell as long as it is tary be sufficient problems now policy in the past will to deal with facing them. image if present Tory affairs will continue. enters the scene to So Mr. Reginald policies change Maudling and the that mortgage rates are too high. It is true that he stated that the interfering-but that was before government had no intention of grant workers in France, Tunisia leaders described in this book. Readers of this column are Macmillan's axe fell. Government and Morocco. familiar with the symptoms of loans for house purchase and While waiting to whether • At least Mr. Segal must be hard capitalism in decline. here and giving local authorities access to such a manoeuvre is possible, or put to it to expiain the split in abroad - lalling pront margins, the Public Loans Board for apwhether it may not come to the Algerian nationalist movement unemployment, surplus capacity. proved capital expenditure are the an if. as he believed, Ben Khedda was The disease, far from being con- sort of devices that Maudling look again at the question of open show-down, resolving dispute by armed force, we the revolution. prepared to carry through social trolled, is spreading wider. wider and image of a property-owning demo- could introduce to bring back the meaning of the Evian The banks can't lend enough of prevent further Leiceste cracy.

their money. There are no takers. electoral fortunes. But it is a very narrow path that in Africa, by Jacques Baulin recent book, The Arab Role n the meantime hardly attraction Hire purchase no longer holds the it once did. With an 'guiding light' incomes policy What can he do? Is the Excessive government spending the government has to travel by. (Penguin African Library), in its be doubted that the sympathies absence of job security, people go? Are reflationary policies could cause a weakening of the chapter on Algeria, gives an idea of the French government (like loath to take on commitments be the order of the day? pound-and then, of course, the of how wrong 'experts' can be those of Fenner Brockway) lie that would compete with the basic Tory policies will be aimed government would start its represthe Aigerian question. with Ben Khedda. For French necessities. The finance company, winning back ex-Tory voters—those sive policies all over again.

He states that the substitution capitalism, the solid advantages too, is not anxious to make hire that have given the Liberals a new The Tories would rely, however, of the Evian agreement are too purchase easier-it has had lease of life. It may be that many on their sense of timing—of which pleasant experience with a white collar workers are in that they have some experience so important to be lightly jetti- volume of bad debts which arose category. A variation of the that the nasty medicine would appear soned. But those who hailed out of the last bout of government generosity. 'guiding light' is therefore to be expected. so that it will have the come elected. after they have been reHer break. for two We will have to think again, just as great defeat for imperialism will the businessman have been increasing car sales, and a marginal increase Two bright spots for the industries power of railways and mines, and of a a searchlight for some as, for example, the Labour Party floating voter These are must expose to the their plans. The these policies of be pub- advocates of the FLN will have in exports. Car sales, of course, match for others, as for the nurses, expediency - and incidentally and 11. to make some hasty revisions of always increase at this time of some civil servants and teachers. adopt some re al militant socialist their previous estimates. year, and the manufacturers them- So far reflationa policies policies of its own.

¿ Brutal Tory pit policy must be smashed From BOB SHAW, Our Scottish Correspondent THE Tory government has announced that it intends to close a further 27 pits and to sack 7,590 miners in Scotland during the next three years. Another 33 pits which are 'on trial' will close if output is not improved, and 6,010 miners will lose their jobs. This announcement reveals the real face of the ruthless drive of the monopolies against As a result of the closures some towns will become depression areas and face an almost complete collapse. Some, such as Cowdenbeath in Fifeshire, have already experienced a steady Industrial

From Our Birmingham Correspondent 1 HE survey of the motor car industry undertaken by of the TGWU, NUGMW, AEU and NUVB has nc sent, with the approval of the executive of the Confeder of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, to the TUC.

Not only do the union leaders say that they support the motor bosses plans for entry into the Common Market but also they come out against any move to nationalise the motor car industry.

In the Birmingham Post of July 12, the industrial correspondent commented, 'The report favours Britain's entry into the market, but on public ownership of the industry there is a serious risk that if there is too much Government interference, the wholly American owned sector of the industry might switch development to other countries.

'It would not be difficult for Fords or Vauxhalls to carry out expansion plans in West Germany at the expense of British workers if Government interference is threatened ...

This statement is an attempt to frighten the motor workers and the Labour movement from engaging in a struggle for the nationalisation of the motor car industry under workers' control.

It avoids the reality of the struggle going on in the world today between the giant motor monopolies. Huge sums of money have been invested by the motor bosses of Britain and America, both here and abroad. They intend to get their full rate of profit out of these investments.

INTERNATIONAL BMC, Rootes and Fords will try and use their new factories in the North and Scotland as a threat to wages in the Midlands and at Dagenham.

leaders w been ation nationally linked with foreign capital.

Workers' jobs and conditions remain in constant jeopardy under monopoly capitalism. • Nationalisation of the motor car industry might not prevent Fords and BMC expanding abroad but it would certainly knock a big hole in their power and plans. It would also give direct encouragement to German, French, Italian and American workers to complete the job in their own countries.

These Confed. union leaders agreed to lower rates in the new car factories in the north of Enlgand; they agreed to a 3 per cent wage increase; they sat with the motor bosses and signed a 'No Strike Charter' without asking motor workers their views. They collaborate with the Tory government by sitting on NEDC.

SHAMEFUL

Now they complete this shameful performance by saying to the monopolists, 'We can assure you that your huge multi-million assets will not be touched', just as Gaitskell assured IC/ that a Labour government would leave it alone.

These leaders speak only in the interests of the bosses. If car workers are not to suffer big defeats at the hands of the motor tycoons, then the fight for taking over the motor and ancilliary trades must be part and parcel of the fight to protect present standard: and jobs. the workers.

drift away. 2,000 have left this town during the last five years and the drain is tinuing steadily.

The Labour movement throughout Scotland is angered by the Tories brutal and callous policy and there is a fierce determination to fight.

In an interview on television, Alex Moffat, secretary of the Scottish NUM, raised the question of the competition with oil and the import of American coal. Such shifts in policy from one commodity to another are normal to capitalism.

The fact is that if, for instance, coal were found to contain some new substance which could be turned into a source of vast profit, then not only would every pit shaft be working full pressure but new ones would be sunk.

But heavy steel and engineering production has actually declined, especially in Scotland, so that the new production target for coal of 200 million tons must be attained in the most highly efficient way possible. This can best be done in Yorkshire and the East Midlands. All other areas are to be ruthlessly cut.

The Tories have other plans for the unemployed in Scotland, thrown out of work by pit and factory closures. They are to be the new labour force for the extension of factories in special areas now being developed.

In these factories they will be subjected to a scientific exploitation, surpassing that of coal mining. At the Rootes' car factory no man of over 40 is allowed to work on the production line. Moreover, the rates of pay have been secretly negotiated with the AEU top officials and are known to be £8 or £9 below those paid in England.

In the mid-Scotland area, around Bathgate, a project is planned for which funds are to be raised from Common Market sources. The scheme involves

Capital investment is international. These same firms would not think twice, if necessary, of using the factories they own abroad in a similar manner, nationalised or not.

If Fords try and expand in Germany, 'under the threat of government interference' then why should not BMC and others attempt the same thing in France and Italy? If we were to follow the right-wing trades union leaders we would never be able to nationalise motors or any other industry, for nearly all, in one way or another, are interfrom page The Socialist Labour League is proud of its defence of the union against the abuse of power of the Communist Party leadership and now against the abuse of power by Byrne, Chapple and Cannon. If there is anyone in the ETU who thinks that they can get away with smearing supporters of the Socialist Labour League about funds or anything else, they are welcome to have a try. Our record is consistent and at all times in the best interests of the union.

Electricians should read this statement of Frank Foulkes, circulate it amongst other members of the union and support his appeal, just as they should support the appeal of all the others who have been expelled, for reinstatement into membership of the ETU.

Had Cannon and Chapple been expelled in 957, ve would have demanded le sa ne rights for them. monopolists.

Labour must be for a policy which aims at taking the power. Nothing less will suffice to solve the problems of the Scottish miners.

The fight must be against pit closures, not a man to be sent down the road. Each pit closure should be fought by rank and file pit committees built for this purpose.

The lesson of the Alloa miners who fought to save the Glenochil pit in March is that such a rank and file leadership must be built if the closure is to be fought.

lewsletter building new factories and expanding a number of new towns and is expected to cost £100 million, most of this to be raised from the European Investment Bank.

This area is the centre of pit closures and there will be no shortage of labour for manning new factories.

The fight against pit closures has to be seen not as one of palliatives for the existing capitalist system, but part of the struggle for power in Britain. If there is to be a Tory government or one under the leadership of right-wing Labour, then 'planning' can only mean more unemployment, plus the herding of workers into new and highly-sweated industries.

Mr. Gaitskell was recently given space by the Beaverbrook press in Scotland to state his support for the 'direction of industry'. This demand is also the current policy of the Scottish TUC and is echoed faithfully by the Communist Party.

Along with it goes the demand for the development of 'new towns', also a favourite of Mr. Gaitskell. It is time these old decoys were exposed for what they are-support for capitalism and a tying of the Labour movetent, to class collaborationist policies.

Miners have had bitter experience of directio n of industry and they are reaping a tull reward they are reapir fuil reward from it now.

It means the worker following the job into new areas and cheapening his labour in the process. There is a new town at Glenrothes close : to the now dead pit shaft. All such well-meaning palliatives for streamlining the economy under capitalism aid the Newsletter Correspondent POLICE threats were made against strike pickets on Monday in the dispute between 600 car delivery men and the Austin group of delivery agents in Birmingham.

Striners at one of the firms in the group, the Autocar & Transporters Ltd., Alvepreventieway the gateway of the firm to church, were sitting down in prevent cars being driven away by part-time drivers sent by the agents to collect them.

For over three hours, 50 pickets blocked the entrance. Two policemen tried to persuade the strikers to move, but the men held their ground until a police superintendent arrived and threatened them 'with action' if they continued to sit in the road.

He told the branch secretary of the Transport and General Workers' Union, Mr. William Birmingham, that the strikers would only be permitted to talk to the part-time drivers in an effort to persuade them not to drive away the cars.

BMC bosses were alarmed by the week-old strike because it threatened to hit the export of vehicles. A BMC official said some consignments would undoubtedly miss the ships they were scheduled to be delivered in and that the effect on delivery would become progressively worse.

The strike was over a claim for an increase in the hourly rate for certain intermediate journeys and the demand for a £2 10s. increase in holiday pay. Mr. A. Law, Secretary of the Commercial Group of the TGWU said that individual firms were willing to meet the men's demands but the group committee refused to consider them. He said it had been decided to make approaches to the individual firms to sign separate agreements.

The chairman of the group at first described the strike as 'utterly purposeless' and the demand as 'unreasonable' . On Monday, however, he announced that it was hoped to find a basis of negotiations with the union.

The dispute ended on Tuesday on the basis that the claim for increased holiday pay was to be dropped and a claim for a substantial increase on the basic rates to be negotiated with the individual firms.

Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper Published by The Newsletter, 186л Clapham High Street, London, S. W.4 Printed by Plough Press Ltd. (TU). 180 Clapham High Street. London, S.W.4