Fascism-the terrible = price the workers pay for their leaders' betrayal

is its attack on the established parties as complacent, ineffective and outdated.

It also appeals to the middle-class fear of the organised strength of the working class. This class feels itself caught between two giants - the big monopolies and the big unions. It feels that neither the Tories nor the Labour Party will act on its behalf. At the moment the Liberal Party is gaining support because of this feeling.

But there is no basis for a Liberal 'revival'. As capitalism's economic difficulties. get worse, the middle layers of society will either be attracted to socialism or will go to fascism. There is no other way, since the middle class has no strength and no organisation of its own, and is therefore incapable of an independent policy.

The recent Observer survey into why some people are are turning to the Liberals contained a grave warning for the Labour movement. For the one thing that most • Liberals' had in common was a dislike of the working class.

They blamed unofficial strikes and labour 'indiscipline' for the country's economic diffiMosley: one-time ' left-winger' culties more than factor.

Unless they can be won to socialism, these pr ople represent fertile ground or a future fascist movement.

But they can be won. For although the middle class likes to identify itself with the ruling class and remains safely in the bourgeois fold during boom periods, it does not really have the same interests as the ruling class at all.

The Tory Party, despite the middle class image which likes to project, represents the big capitalists, and in times of crisis their interests come more and more into conflict with those of the middle class.

At the same time, the big bourgeoisie needs the middle class, for by itself it is numerically very small and unable to carry out what is necessary for its own interests. Even in its own revolutionary period, during Cromwell's time, the bourgeoisie had to lean on the petty- bourgeoisie and the peasal carry out the actual ta: smashing feudalism.

During its ascendency it is still necessary for the bourgeoisie to get the middle class and even sections of the working class to identify its interests with their own-to fight its wars, for instance. In its decline, it again turns to the middle class-and to what Marx of The working class can provide the leadership which can solve its pressing problems. But the middle class will only turn to the working class if it has a strong and decisive leadership. Failure to build such a leadership paves the way for fascism. In Italy, Germany and Spain, the rise of fascism came after a wave of revolutionary activity by the working class had been betrayed by its leadership.

As Trotsky said, fascism is the price paid by the working class when the treachery of its leaders prevents it from taking power.

In concrete terms, unless the Socialist Labour League can build up powerful branches in places like Brixton, Birmingham, Bradford and Middlesbrough; unless it can provide leadership against the employers and the landlords; unless it can defeat the Right wing in the Labour Party and the trades unions, then the fascist oddities of today will become tomorrow's executioners.