The Newsletter, vol. 6 no. 261

The Wall and Rakosi "HE callous murder by East German police of 18-year-old Peter Fechter has given yet another Cold War weapon to Western propagandists. It strengthens the most reactionary circles of German capitalism and weakens those tendencies in the working class movement which strive to defend the USSR and Eastern Europe from imperialist attack. le hypocrisy of the Western press is unbounded, as papers which covered up for the torturers of the Algerian people pretend to be horrified at the East Berlin actions. le East German bureaucrats resort to measures of this kind because of their bungling of industry and agriculture. An appendage of the Russian bureaucracy, Ulbricht's regime fills the gaps caused by mismanagement of the nationalised economy with barbed wire and bullets. le events at Ulbricht's wall must be seen as part of the international crisis of Stalinism, as are the apparently opposite tendencies in Hungary. There Kadar has expelled Rakosi and Gero from the Communist Party. akosi, whose regime was overthrown by the Hungarian workers in 1956 was at first replaced by his henchman Gero. Then both had to take refuge in Russia. fter the revolution was crushed by Russian intervention, and Kadar's regime installed, some loosening of the bureaucratic bonds had to be conceded. But the instability of the Stalinist rule continues. either in Hungary in 1956 nor in East Berlin in 1953 did the workers face the Russian tanks in order to restore the power of capitalism. They fought against the bureaucratic distortion of the nationalised economy. ley wanted to establish working-class democracy and to get the parasitic office-holders off their backs. Without being fully conscious of all the implications of their actions, they were striving to return to the traditions of Lenin and Trotsky. either Ulbricht nor Kadar, neither repression nor concession, can solve the problems of the workers' states. Only the overthrow of the bureaucrats by the workers can do this. 1 international Marxist movement is needed for this task. Only such a leadership can connect the fight to end capitalism with the movements to get rid of the bureaucrats whose methods hold back the socialist movement.

HE General Council of the Trades Union Congress, seat in the State machine, will offer no lead in the struggle to defeat the Tories' plans for a showdown with the Labour movement. This is made clear in the council's report to the 94th annual Congress which meets at Blackpool in the first week of September.

In a year that has seen an intensification of the crisis of British capitalism, linked with the pay pause, a rising cost of living and the drive towards union with the European monopolists, great sections of the working class movement have shown their determination to oppose Tory policies. Engineers, nurses, dockers, teachers, miners and transport workers have demonstrated their opposition to the wage freeze.

But George Woodcock and company — including the newly 'honoured' Lord Williamsongive no indication that they recognize government policies as a direct attack upon the conditions of the Labour movement. Worse, the alternatives they offer to these policies are in no_way based upon the needs of the working class. Nationalisation, socialism, a Labour government -all these are pushed aside by the need to stimulate better relations with management and develop economic expansion.

'Inertia' ' In a Congress year characterised by economic inertia the Government has allowed production to stagnate and men and machinery to stand idle while it has persisted in policies of restriction which, it claimed, were the only way of improving the balance of payments. Evidence has been accumulating-and support growing-for the General Council's view that this is the wrong way to deal with the problem, and that what are needed are policies based on economic expansion and direct action to deal with the balance of payments problem. In accordance with the 1961 Congress resolution on Government economic policy the General Council have urged the Government to abandon the pay pause and stop interfering with established collective bargaining machinery. They have also, after careful and detailed consideration, accepted the Government's invitation to join the National Economic Development Council.

Sums up This, the introduction to the Economic Policy and Organisation section of the report, adequately sums up the attitude of the TUC leadership to the wholesale attack upon the conditions of their members by the government.

In February they report a letter from the Watermen, Lightermen, Tugmen and Bargemen's Union which said that the time had arrived 'when the whole combinec Woodcock: socialism pushed aside might and strength of organised labour must take definite industrial action' to combat the policy of 'the employers and their Government! The union proposed a special conference of all affiliated unions to consider 'a plan of coordinated effort' The General Council replied that there would be no real value in such a conference at that stage which was bound to take on the character of a propaganda conference only. 'At that time', of course, the council had just agreed to accept seats alongside Tories, industrialists and employers on the NEDC and, dazzled by their sudden rise into the firmament of the Establishment, did not want any mılitant talk of industrial action by the rank and file to detract from their eagerness to co-operate with the enemies of the working class.

Thrash out The question of the wage freeze and the NEDC will be thrashed out at Blackpool. The Congress must unanimously condemn the actions of the Woodcock clique, which have been completely detri-

British Nazi Party has been given a two months jail sentence for using insulting words at his movement's Trafalgar Square meeting in July.

No one should be lulled by the apparent vigilance of the forces of law and order against The ment are all part of a carefullyprepared stratagem. The capitalists, faced by an ever-growing crisis, are preparing for an inevitable showdown with the Labour movement; just as in 1926, they will use every possible means to ensure victory.

If necessary, the ruling class will turn to an ultra-right totalitarian group to smash the organised working class; they are not ready for that yet. And one thing is certain, they will have no use for a tiny and frenzied group who scream devotion to Hitler; something rather more subtle is needed than this.

By banning Jordan, the Tories are clearing the way for other organisations. They may attack the others, too, but this will not be in response to "public opinion'. . The Tories are guided by the needs of the capitalist class who may ban the far Right today in order to deal with the Left tomorrow. Behind the scenes, who knows what arranging is going on with groups who are publicly denounced?

The attack on Jordan does not mean that the Tories can safely be left to handle the situation— already they have effectively banned all meetings in Trafalgar Square. The Labour • movement must become more vigilant, not less, and must fight strenuously to drive the fascists off the streets and remove the government which holds them in check only so that they may be unleashed at a more opportune time.

mental to the struggle of the trade union movement.

But condemnation and the passing of resolutions will not be enough. The Labour movement must prepare now for a year of merciless struggle against the Tories and the growing fascist bands. The need for socialist policies, for nationalisation of the basic industries under workers' control to combat the threat of redundancy and unemployment, and a Labour government committed to such policies must form the basis of a campaign against the Tories, the employers and their allies on the General Council of the TUC. ' Should the Tories wish to win the next General Election, they must attend to the many domestic maiters, which have sorely needed attention for some time.

Here are some of the items: Housing, trade union tyranny and unofficial strikes, abuses against the Welfare State, exorbitant cost of fuel and power, corporal punishment a necessity for thuggery, cancellation of driving licences for life for drunken drivers, outlawing of Communists and Fascists, police to be relieved of duties, other than law breaking offences, etc., etc.' Letter in London Evening Standard 20.8.62 the SMA, should launch an immediate campaign for massive damages against the producers and distributors of this and any other crippling drugs, for lifelong provision for the victims and the nationalisation of the drugs and medical supplies industries.

Perhaps, too, we can hope for a reply from the SMA to the Vatican declaration that a 'crime' had been committed when Mrs. Finkbine had a legal abortion in Stockholm of her Thalidomide-deformed baby. It is time that the law was changed to give women the right to choose not to bear an unwanted child whatever their reason.

August 125, 1962

By THE tragedy of the Thalidomide babies raises sharply the whole question of the drugs industry. One of the stock answers to calls for the nationalisation of this immensely profitable industry is that the drug companies utilise the profits and provide capital for research and testing of new drugs.

Thalidomide shows up the whole shoddy business for what it is. Patients are used as profitable guinea pigs for the drug-producing and marketing companies. Over recent weeks public attention has been directed by the press to the German originators of Thalidomide, but with one exception, very little has been said in the national press about the British Distillers Company marketing the drug in this country.

CONTROL

The British Medical Journal and Lancet have called for a register of toxic drugs and for control of the marketing of inadequately tested products.

A spokesman for the Socialist Medical Association told me this week that she regretted that the SMA had not been able to issue a statement as they had not had a Council meeting. But, she stated, the SMA was already on record for the control of drugs, and the Thalidomide case highlighted the need for control and reinforced the SMA's case for the nationalisation of the industry.

The Ministry of Health is prepared to do no more for these children than provide the present inadequate services for the handicapped, and a group of the parents are reported to be preparing a test case against the manufacturers of the drug, for compensation for one of the crippled children.

But the tragedy of hundreds of limbless, deformed children remains, and the parents, some of whom have been mentally unbalanced by the horror of their predicament, are faced with a lifetime of caring for the handicapped.

CAMPAIGN

The Labour movement, led by

First of a series of articles on the crisis of British capitalism That something is seriously wrong with the British economy is widely admitted, even by the apologists for capitalism. Through all the years of 'prosperity, a persistent note of concern and doubt has been present in writings and speeches on the economic situation and future. British capitalism has not solved its long-standing problems, while new and formidable ones arise to confront it in the coming years.

The deep split in the ruling class over the Common Market question is one striking piece of evidence of a spreading lack of self-confidence in its ranks. The capacity of the British economy to compete in the world market, upon which its profits, interest and dividends depend, is seriously in doubt. New methods and policies, involving the whole area of political decision and particularly the relationship of class forces, are clearly in the making. Proposals for strengthening capitalism THE problems facing • British capitalism today, - however novel the form they may assume, have deep historic roots. As a mode of production, capitalism first assumed nationwide scale, transforming the social relations in Britain. Furthermore, the development of industry in Britain on capitalist lines brought into being the world market which, for a whole epoch, ending in the 1870s, she was able to dominate.

Britain's head start in industrialisation and monopoly of the world market in the 19th century produced contradictory features in the economy and in Britain to enable it face the growing strains ahead are being put forward in a variety of forms-the activity of fascist groups, the 'Liberal revival', Macmillan's clean sweep in the government, the wide circulation accorded to books like those of Shanks and Schonfield. All are evidence of growing ferment running through from the top of the Establishment to the ranks of the suburban middle class.

In fact quite apart from, though necessarily connected with, the problems of capitalism as a world system - challenge from the noncapitalist states, the colonial liberation movement, the spectre of slump-British capitalism displays its own symptoms of sickness. We shall not be concerned here with the social and cultural aspects of this decay, significant as they are. Our task will be to lay bare the economic roots of the crisis as briefly and clearly as possible.

accumulated capital at home and abroad acted as a barrier to more rapid technical change in industry. When markets were lost in one area, new privileged markets were found or could be exploited more fully. Big returns came from capital held abroad which, up to 1914, was being added to at a phenomenal rate. Britain entered the 20th century with an economy still based on the old technology and structure, though the world conditions which had made for this pattern had passed away.

At the same time, the financial resources of British capitalism had made it the world's banker. Usury on the grand scale was as important as industrial production for survival the fortunes of the ruling class. The bankers and financiers of the City of London constituted a major segment of this ruling class. Their interests were in international trade and finance--and they could, and did, come into conflict, after the First World War, with substantial sections of the industrial capitalists.

From 1920 it became manifest that the old conditions for the maintenance of British power and profits had passed away. In the heyday of British capitalism it had been possible to tame the Labour movement, to guide it into the paths of pure and simple trade unionism, to prevent it attaining political independence.

From the early 1900s, however, and to some extent for the previous 20 years, there was a distinct sharpening of the class struggle in Britain. More militant unionism, the rise of the Labour Party, rapid growth in trade union membership showed this. The question of a socialist challenge was placed on the order of the day.

But, despite the shocks of the first part of the 20th century, vast reserves still remained as well as experience in coping with difficult situations. The long history of British capitalism while in one sense a burden—meaning technical obsolescence, poor location of industry, routine methods and lack of enterprise—held immense advantages.

After the First World War, Britain was no longer able to export capital on the former scale, but income on past investmentsthe fruits of exploitation of workers and peasants in the colonies and semi-colonies-countered the loss of markets and the decline of staple. industries between the wars. The social crisis was kept within bounds.

The showdown with the working class, which had been anticipated and prepared for in full knowledge of the role which the official leaders would play, led to the General Strike of 1926. British capitalism thus acquired a breathNTE HAD *-BUS ing space to work out solutions to its problems which, despite the world depression of the 1930s, continued until the political crisis which preceded the war of 1939.

Over this period of course, British capitalism underwent many modifications. Joint stock companies and monopolies took over from the old family-type businesses. New industries arose while some of the old ones declined. Organisational and business methods moved more into line with the requirements of the 20th century and the pressure of competition in the world market.

But, with all this, British capitalism continued, and continues, to bear many marks of its origins and former world leadership and monopoly.

It still carries an excessive weight of obsolete equipment. The adjustments which have been made to changing world conditions have always lagged behind the needs. Britain's share in world trade has continued to decline. Two world wars have whittled down the advantages derived from the past.

The new challenge of postwar Europe and the loosening grip on privileged markets and investment fields increasingly reveal the extent of the failure to adjust to the competitive struggle of the second half of the 20th century.

society. It meant an industry based on the technology of coal and iron, with textiles as the main export industry. It meant small-scale plants run not by companies but by family or partnership firms which financed expansion from their own profits. Location and organisation were determined by these technical and financial conditions.

The capitalists themselves were used to a competitive enTHE announcement that the directors of the National Provincial and District Banks are negotiating a merger emphasizes the importance of the demand for the nationalization of banking.

Since 1918, which saw the culmination of a series of bank take-overs and amalgamations, and especially during the inter-war depressions, the 'big five' jointstock banks and the less-publicised merchant banks have vast economic power.

Unlike other enterprises, the banks do not have to disclose the full extent of their assets. The Jenkins Report on Company Finance has recommended the maintenance of this special dispensation allowing the banks to transfer unknown amounts of profit to secret reserves.

Based on published the National Provincial Bank is fifth of the English banks. The projected merger would bring it into fourth place, overtaking the Westminster. On published profits it would rise from fifth to second place.

The District Bank is at present seventh largest of the London clearing banks. Largely based on business in Lancashire, it is being affected by the decline in the textile industry.

The Westminster Bank is likely to retaliate by preparing to take over Martins. This bank, also involved in the north-west, lies sixth in the bank league table'. Martins and the Westminster are already linked through their joint shareholding of 20 per cent of Mercantile Credit, the HP financing firm.

After the mergers of 1918 the Colwyn Committee recommended that further amalgamation should depend on government permission. However, no legislation was introduced and instead banking has been governed by a 'gentleman's' agreement on take-overs.

The present moves are an important part of the current streamlining of British industry. The preparation to meet European competition is likely to involve other changes of this kind. Labour must demand that the tremendous power over economic life wielded by these institutions be taken over and used in the interests of the working class.

Police step up antiGND drive COMMITTEE of 100 supporters, carrying posters announcing a 7,000-strong sit-down at the Air Ministry on September 9, had their names taken by a police inspector during a parade in Kensington High Street last Saturday.

The Committee has reported that a Dectective-Inspector Rees, of Cannon Row, has visited members of the Committee and the London and national offices, making enquiries about the proposed sit-down.

The Committee states that the police have never before had to cope with a demonstration the size of the one planned for the Air Ministry. If they fail to get the required 7,000, it will be called off.

The police are now taking considerable note of the activities of the movement. In the Des Lock case, a security man joined the local branch in order to take down 'incriminating' statements. Marylebone CND leaders are reported to have ejected a man suspected of connections with the secret service.

Police actions serve to prove the falsity of claims that the government can be left to deal with fascist groups. Legislation seeking such ends will give the Tories and the police carte blanche to smash the militant anti-bomb movement.

vironment; as long as profits came easily with the old methods -as they did long after their monopoly of the world market was broken-they were reluctant to change them. When the self-made first generation was replaced by heirs, as joint-stock companies took over, so many signs of routine and resistance to change became apparent.

As this coincided with the rapid growth of new industrial rivals in the last quarter of the 19th century, the roots of Britain's crisis goes directly back to this period.

The historical role of capitalism is to develop the productive forces. But it can only do so up to the limit permitted by its own conditions The possession by British capitalists of vast reserves of SENIOR Aircraftman Brian McGhee, a 20-year-old radio technician stationed at RAF Henlow, Bedfordshire, is to be courtmartialed in September. The charge is that McGhee has refused to accept classification as a security risk, which would mean a transfer from radio work to officers' orderly. He is charged under the Air Force Act with disobeying an order to take up his new duties.

The real reason for the charge, however, is because McGhee is a supporter of the CND and the Committee of 100. He was placed under close arrest last week and later released pending his trial.

McGhee has tried to buy himself out of the service but is unable to raise the amount-f250. He court-martialled first took part in CND activities in 1960; posted to Aden, he criticised the RAF's role in the Middle East and was returned home, where he resumed CND activities. After one arrest and two fines following demonstrations, he was ordered to drop all relations with CND. He refused and has taken part in a number of further anti-bomb demonstrations.

Service chiefs are understood to be preparing for a mass purge of all undesirable elements from the forces. McGhee's court-martialkept quiet so as not to arouse public interest—is just the first step in this direction. The armed forces are clearly preparing for possible action against the Labour movement.

August: 25, 1962 11962 *NEWSLET

La strike of motor workers in -Birmingham suddenly collapsed with a crowd of bosses' stooges howling down the shop stewards who had sought to extend inter-union solidarity. It was learned later that Mr. Edward Martell, chairman of an organisation known as The Freedom Group. had been in town during the strike and had been holding quiet interviews. It is high time that the ment was alerted to the activities which is expanding and spreading London and the provinces. A great deal of publicity is being given just now to tascist meetings and demonstrations. Certainly the swaggering followers of Mosley and Jordan are highly dangerous, since as the class struggle intensifies they could easily attract to their ranks large numbers of disgruntled white collar workers and frustrated young people. But while they are making all the noise and getting the limelight there are others going quietly to work who might well prove as great a long-term danger to working-class interests.

The Freedom Group works through four separate organisations, one of which is the notorious People's League for the Defence of Freedom, which ran scab bus services (the so-called Freedom Buses), during the last London bus strike. In the postal go-slow early this year it also organised the strikebreaking parcel delivery service.

BOASTS

The political branch of the group calls itself the Anti-Socialist Front. It boasts that it 'played some part in keeping the Socialists out of office at the last General Election by running a big propaganda campaign' and is 'now preparing to keep them out again' at the next General Election. The group hopes that its membership will touch 'the million mark' before the election date.

This reactionary outfit runs a daily newspaper, The New Daily, entirely printed and published by non-union labour. At present it is building a giant printing works at King's Cross, aimed at a yearly turnover of £1,000,000.

This it claims it can easily achieve, since the 'elimination of restrictive practices enables us to charge lower prices than any other printing houses. In other words, by employing scab labour they can undersell other firms.

TAKE-OVER

The group is opening a centre in London's West End, which can be used for meetings and as a club for its supporters. These include (so the group boasts) peers, a number of Conservative MPs and 'thousands of distinguished men and women in all walks of life'. It is taking over or opening newsagent shops in meetings and Labour moveof this group, its tentacles in main cities and towns, with the object of building up 'a nationwide chain of distribution centres' for the sale of The New Daily. Area representatives are also being appointed, so that by the end of this year they hope to have a network of provincial centres.

Workers may well ask themselves where the money comes from to finance so expensive a venture as a daily paper, to build a giant printing works, open a West End club and take over a chain of newsagents' businesses.

CLOSE PARALLEL

The year before the 1926 General Strike was in many ways a close parallel to the present time. Then, as now, capitalism was in a state of crisis and could only solve its problems by drastically cutting the living standards of the workers; but first the workers had to be defeated and tamed. Throughout the year the Tory government and the employing class were busy preparing for the head-on clash which they knew was coming.

Then there was an organisation built up, describing itself as 'non-political, non-party and non-provocative' and adorned with many wealthy and titled names. This was the OMS (Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies). It recruited voluntary workers who undertook to drive buses and trains, unload ships, transport food, maintain postal services and generally function as an anti-working - class, strike - breaking instrument in the event of a general stoppage.

OFFICIAL BACKING

Much was made of its unofficial and voluntary nature, yet once the General Strike started there was an end to all pretence of being non-political and nonprovocative. The government gave it official backing and used its undergraduate and white-collar supporters to defeat the working class.

The aim of The Freedom Group organisation is quite clear —to whip up support for an attack upon the trade union movement, to cripple its independent bargaining power and get legislation making strike action illegal. Failing that, it works silently, unobtrusively to forge a powerful, efficiently-run strike-breaking weapon for the big struggles which lie ahead.

MEETING called by the newly-formed anti-fascist movement Yellow Star in London on Sunday clearly demonstrated the wide gulf that exists between the pacifists, liberals, democrats, churchmen and official Communist spokesmen on the one hand and the broad rank and file of the Labour movement on the other.

Speakers from the platform repeatedly stressed the fact that they were not seeking to form, through Yellow Star, an organisation with which to fight fascism, but merely wanted to produce leaflets and pamphlets, to press for legislation against the fascists by the Tories and to produce a petition to the House of Commons.

Speakers from the floor, however, representing trades unions, the Young Socialists, the Labour Party and the Socialist Labour League, urged the meeting to take action in their localities against the fascists and to expose the fallacy of asking the Tories to take action against a movement they would be quite willing to use to smash the organisation of the working class.

A SLL speaker received enthusiastic reception when THE crisis of world capitalism deepens. With limitless production on the horizon the problems of a money economy become more and more acute. Keeping incomes and production in balance is the task the Western capitalists have set themselves. Incomes must not outpace production: production must noi outpace income. The paper solution for the capitalists is an 'incomes policy'.

In England the latest manifestaLion of the incomes policy is provided by Macmillan's National Incomes Commission to be used as a stick with which to beat the workers.

In West Germany, political expediency and Adenauer's desire to maintain the rule of his party in the Bundestag has so far meant that the only evidence of an incomes policy has been gleaned from Economics Minister Erhard's speeches.

By 1961, West Germany was producing almost twice as much as they were eight years previously, but the rate of increase is no longer being maintained. On March 31, Krupp declared that 'the economic boom is over' It is true that superficially West Germany appears extremely prosperous. But occasionally there are rumbles beneath the calm surface. One such indication was the declared insolvency of the firm Willy H. Schliecker, limited stressed the links between capitalism and fascism and said that. only the organised strength of the working class could defeat Mosley and company. He said that in London and other parts of the country, the Labour movement must drive the fascists off the streets, not appeal to the government to take action, and he called for the setting up of defence committees based on the local trades councils and Labour Parties to help those attacked by the fascists.

Mr. Maurice Orbach, one-time Labour MP, announced that he had been disturbed by many of the speeches from the floor and that we must work with all progressive elements, including Conservatives, who were opposed to fascism.

Such a progressive element on the platform was Mr. Edward Malindine, national chairman of the Liberal Party. He quickly made it clear that he was opposed not only to fascism but to Communism as well and launched into a diatribe against the Soviet Union and East Germany. There were loud protests from the floor and many members of the Young Communist League left the hall, foliowed by Young Socialists, who together drew the lessons of the meeting and the dangers of 'Popular Fronts' with the enemies of the working class.

City Slants company owning the third largest shipyard in Germany besides rolling mills and other neavy in- '1. • 11 - - 11. 1 dustrial works. In 1960 the turnover of this corporation was nearly £80 million. But it now states that it cannot pay its debts. This declaration follows recent insolvencies of Borgward motor works and other large units.

These bankruptcies come at a time when there is much debate Boom or bust among German 'economists' as to what sort of 'incomes' policy is practicable in Germany. Last year wage increases were almost 12 per cent, thanks to the militancy of the German workers.

Acute labour shortages, too, contribute to rising labour costs. The percentage of unemployed there is under 1 per cent. Whilst there was a liberal flow of refugees from the East and workers were coming in from Italy, Greece and Spain, this scarcity problem did not exist. (There are now 650,000 foreign workers in West Germany.)

colin chance Capital could dictate to labour, but the position is now reversed.

And so Dr. Adenauer's party has decided that the 'investive' wage policy is worthy of study. What is this particular gimmick?

It simply means that every worker would have a compulsory stoppage from his pay which would be 'invested' in German privately-owned industry.

Such a device, it is stated, would have the effect of preventing inflation by damping down home demand.

But it is no real solution to the troubles of West German capitalists. Whether wages are paid or "invested' they still represent costs. And costs will determine whether they can still remain in competition in the Common Market.

German capital, like English capital, is determined to use any method to bring wages into line with productivity. They look with foreboding at the experience of Willie Schlieker and Borgward and at the power of the banks behind them, who are indirectly responsible for their plight.

German labour, like English labour, must be just as determined to resist any attack on their wages launched in the interests of the efficiency of world capitalism.

Idustrial turns to

Post office go-slow: Martell ran special THE threat by Mosley to march through Ladywood and Handsworth, Birmingham, on September 2 was thoroughly debated by Birmingham Trades Council on Saturday, August 18.

The menace of fascism to the Labour and trade union movement was brought out in many of the speeches. Attempts by the few right-wingers to divert the Trades Council from action by suggesting that Mosley be ignored were decisively beaten, delegates drawing the lessons of Germany and the role of the leadership there, which paved the way for the fascist victory.

A motion from Birmingham 9th branch AEU, which called on the Trades Council to alert all trade unionists to the fascist menace and further asked the Trades Council to appeal to all trade unionists in the city to rally against the fascists on September 2 if they carry out their threat to march, was passed unanimously.

An addendum was added that the Trades Council should go to the Watch Committee and the Chief Constable and demand that they stop the Mosley meeting ahd march. If this is refused then the appeal will go out for a mass turnout against the fascists on September 2.

ANTI-FASCIST FUND A GROUP of London borough councillors active in the Labour movement have launched an appeal and fund for anti-fascists, fined after the Trafalgar Square clash with the Jordan Nazis, who are having difficulty in raising the money.

The sponsors of the fund also hope to help any who find themselves in a similar position following further clashes with the fascists. The group is circularising the Labour and trade union movement for financial support.

Donations should be sent to Cllr. William Dow, 26 Great Western Road, Paddington, W.9. by

'N an effort to hit back against the threat of redundancy in the missiles industry following the scrapping of the Blue Water project, 200 Supervisory Staffs, Executives by their union not to work English Electric factories at Lu The overtime ban will affec Thunderbird and the anti-tank The general secretary of ASSET, Mr. Clive Jenkins, said on Monday: 'We felt it would be absurd for people to work overtime while similar workers are threatened with Industrial Correspondent members of the Association of and Technicians have been told overtime on missile projects at ton, Bedfordshire and Stevenage. t work on the anti-aircraft rocket rocket Swingfire.

redundancy. We have imposed the ban pending clarification of the position. We have not been given details of the redundancy involved.' Mr. Jenkins stated that ASSET plans to campaign for the abandonment of the European satellite launching development programme in favour of a Commonwealth or British project. A European programme would mean that other countries involved would have to build up the electronic capacity which they lacked while in Britain workers who could do the job became redundant, he said.

WEEK'S NOTICE

English Electric Aviation said this week that the 1,300 employees at the Luton factory which is due to close because of the scrapping of Blue Water, would be told next week how many of them would lose their jobs. Weekly-paid workers to be made redundant would prob-

LAST week, work on the luxury Hilton Hotel, Park Lane, London, came to a standstill as 600 plasterers, electricians and bricklayers came out on strike in support of Mr. E. Butcher, the Federation steward. Mr. Butcher was sacked by the managing director of the Token Construction Company, for having a cup of tea off the site during working hours. He had missed the usual tea break because of union negotiations.

The men considered the management used this incident as a means of getting rid of the Federation steward. At a site meeting on Monday full support for Brother Butcher was expressed. The electricians' steward stated that this was a strike against the victimisation of their steward. A carpenter told me that 'Brother Butcher is the best Federation steward we have had on this site, he continually fights for our interests—we had to strike to support him.' There is a dissatisfaction by the workers on this site over conditions. Recently 30 carpenters came out on strike against the management's attempt to reduce bonus payments and introduce a shift system. Although the carpenters succeeded in defeating the introduction of. the shift system and obtained a 50 per cent reimbursement of wages lost during the ten-day strike, anger still exists over the 'lack of bonus', as one carpenter put it.

On Tuesday union officials met the employers to discuss the case. Outside the meeting workers held placards saying 'Clore bids to take over the union rights and privileges' and ' Reinstate the "Fed " or unionism is dead'.

A notable victory was achieved later when the management agreed to reinstate the steward.

QUiP lewsletter -HE pay pause, officially buried some months ago, rose from the dead this week when the Civil Service Arbitration Tribunal rejected two claims affecting 151,000 Civil Servants. Chairman of the tribunal was Sir George Honeyman who made himself highly unpopular in government circles in May by bursting through the 2½ per cent barrier with a 4 per cent rise for all Civil Servants.

Clearly Sir George Honeyman had severe government pressure upon him this time not to repeat his previous 'error'. A Civil Service Union leader remarked on Tuesday, after the Tribunal's decision, 'I'm not surprised. I expect Sir George thought that justice had been done by the general service award and he was not going to make himself even more unpopular with the government.' OLD DIFFERENTIAL Concerned in this latest request for an increase were clerical assistants in the Treasury and Post Office departments who sought to restore the old differential with clerical officers, who were given a 3 per cent increase in May 1961.

The department concerned, however, were at pains to stress that it was not merely the pay pause—or rather the guiding light, as the government prefers to now call it, having traded in one old Florence Nightingale for a new one-that was behind the rejection of the claims.

The Treasury explained to the Tribunal that the demand for a 3 per cent rise for their 67,000 clerical assistants could not even be justified on its merits and pointed out that in view of the recent 4 per cent award to all grades, a further 3 per cent would give the assistants 'an increase nearly three times the maximum within which, in the government's view, incomes should be contained.' The Post Office, replying to a claim by the 76,000 strong Post Office Engineering Union for double pay on Sundays, Bank Holidays, Christmas Day and Good Friday, with extra pay for Saturday working and changes in the system of overtime payments, drew the Tribunal's attention to the fact that POEU had recently submitted a separate claim for a substantial wage increase which would cost about £9 million- a year-if granted. The Post Office added: ' It is not reasonable for the union, in the present economic circumstances, to pursue a substantial claim for improved conditions while the other claim is outstanding.' BASING CLAIM The department is therefore basing its case on another claim, but without giving any indication as to whether that will be met. On current trends it can be said with some certainty that it will not.

The pay pause clearly continues. The post office engineers and, particularly, the white-collar clerks, must be encouraged to join the ranks of the broad trade union movement and assist in the fight against the pay pause and its Tory authors.

factories Newsletter Reporter THERE was a new development in the work of Glasgow CND last week, when a party of Campaign members held a lunch-hour meeting at the Massey-Ferguson factory at Kilmarnock. This was a move to implement the resolution passed at the CND annual conference in favour of developing the Campaign's work in the direction of industrial action and the trade unions. Canon John Collins has recently declared that it is the function of the CND executive to decide when and to what extent annual conference decisions shall be implemented.

About 40 workers went to the meeting outside the Kilmarnock had gone in the eaten of nuclear disarmers to Moscow was among the CND speakers.

There is at present a move in the Glasgow CND to get in touch with sympathisers among shop stewards in local factories. They hope that the co-operation of these workers will help them to organise bigger and better factorygate meetings.

ably be given a month's warning followed by a week's notice, a spokesman said.

' Not all the 1,300 will be dismissed, he said. 'Some of the work done at Luton will be continued at the Stevenage will be offered jobs there, People Although the moves by the ASSET executive will be welcomed by workers in the missiles industry, they must be seen as the necessary start of a movement by the trade unions to combat the cynical contempt of the Tories and the missiles employers, and not merely a gesture of defiance that will lead nowhere.

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Name Addres FURTHER actions the by Asturian miners in Spain against the Franco government have been reported this week. It was this section of the Spanish Labour movement which started the recent strikes for a living wage. Their action started a wave of unrest throughout the country and the regime finally capitulated and agreed to raise wages through a rise in coal prices. eports this week show that the struggle is centred on the important mining and industrial centre of Langreo; labour orficials are said to have closed five pits. iners stopped work last Saturday and demanded the right to have an English working week, that is to have a half day on Saturday.

the Venturo pit, more than 40 miners staged walk-out after three men had been transferred to another part of the mine, resulting in a drop in production and a fall in wages. Officials closed the pit.

ris militancy by the Asturian miners against the fascist regime was backed up by a series of bomb explosions outside newspaper offices in Barcelona. These were followed by a further explosion in San Sebastian, where Franco was due to arrive for a holiday on Monday.

is clear that unrest is simmering below the surface throughout the country, unrest that will shortly flare into open revolt and sweep away the iron-fist regime. • On Wednesday it was estimated that 2,500 miners had been locked out in the Asturias region.

ALL 20 women workers at Projectiles engineering factory, Battersea, have downed tools in support of a claim for higher wages.

Members of the AEU and TGWU, they work together in the milling shop of the firm's car section which produces chassis and accessories for such major combines as BMC, the biggest buyer, and Fords. Their demard is for a higher basic wage (at present £7 a week) to bring them more into line with the male labourer's rate. This was put in last April.

After protracted negotiations, matters came to a head last Thursday when the management flatly refused to grant any increase. The women answered by taking immediate strike action. Since then, work in the car section has been grinding to a standstill and the management have already laid off 80 men.

A meeting on Friday of shop stewards representing the total labour force of 800 men, called for a ban on all overtime in support of the women. This decision was endorsed overwhelmingly at all shop meetings and the ban has since remained 100 per cent effective.

District officials from the TGWU and AEU met the strikers on Tuesday, but it is understood that no decision has yet been made to declare the strike official.

The feeling for solidarity strike action is growing among the men in the factory who remember the consistent support of the women for every major strike there since the war.

As one worker put it 'the girls have always stood by us, now its our turn to support them. It the management won't give in then I'm prepared to strike?

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