The Newsletter, vol. 6 no. 267

By OUR POLITICAL CORRESPONDENT ALL power to the railmen! Their magnificent one-day strike is an inspiring demonstration of the hostility of the working class to the Tory government. Those fainthearts who ignore rank-and-file workers like the railwaymen have had a rude awakening.

Right-wing trade union leaders like with Tory Cabinet ministers. toe the line when their determined had enough and demand action.

Only a few weeks ago the TUC gathered at Blackpool and conveniently ignored the problem of unemployment and the plight of the miners and railwaymen. The one-day strike is therefore a "call to order by the rank and file.

But railway workers must be warned against leaders like Sidney Greene who did not want this strike and who don't want a showdown with the Tory government. The fact that the strike lacks a positive policy is largely their responsibility.

of battle Now that railmen have enjoyed the taste of battle, the next and most important question is how to defeat the Tory government and defend the standards of those who are threatened with unemployment. Greene and company have no answer to this. They visit Marples and Beeching looking for a ray of hope, but they do not present an alternative policy.

It is not sufficient to say that certain railways should not be closed. The government are determined to close them and the only way they can be stopped is by the Labour movement taking power.

Mr. Greene will have nothing to do with a strike to bring down the Tories. So far as he is concerned, it is merely a form of protest. But that is clearly not sufficient and it cannot may talk But they members as much as they can be forced to decide they have maintenance for all those threatened with unemployment is the only alternative. The money for such a policy could be obtained through suspending the interest payment on railway stock used to pay out the former rail owners.

The full industrial and political strength of the Labour and trade union movement must be mobilised behind the demand that not a railwayman should be sacked. The Tories must be forced to find alternative work with wages and conditions suitable to the men employed or maintain every railwayman until such a demand has been fulfilled.

The one-day strike should be followed not only by more strikes, but by the adoption of such a policy, which alone can answer this serious threat of unemployment. Right wing attack ETU members' 'EXT week's rules revision conference of the ETU will pose a number of important issues before the rank and file. Left-wing delegates must anticipate that the right-wing Byrne - Chapple - Cannon clique will open the conference with the usual reference to the court action on the fiddling of ballots. The purpose of this will be to create an anti-communist atmosphere in order to influence decisions at the conference. It is also possible that cases which are still in the courts will be referred to, as has already been done in items of correspondence to branches.

It would be a great mistake to concentrate the attention of the conference on the rights and wrongs of the court case. No militant can or should justify ballot-rigging. But that, we repeat, is not the real issue in front of the rules revision conference. It is simply being used to impose on the union changes of rule which would strengthen the right-wing bureaucracy.

DIVERT

We must not allow Byrne and Co. to divert the attention of conference from the real issues which can be seen very clearly in the amendments which the executive propose to Rule 21. They are asking conference to change the rule in order to appoint a full-time executive for five years, to make conference a biennial affair and to allow it to rs militants the positions of power in the rights Our Industrial Correspondent continue as an advisory body only.

In other words, the full-time executive will be the only body that can make policy for the union. If these amendments are carried, then the union will be in grave danger of becoming a tool of an unscrupulous Right wing.

Conference must reject these amendments and demand that conference be the policy-making body which should meet once a year. This is in line with the amendments already accepted at the rules revision conference last December. As is known, these were set aside by the successful application of Chapple to the high court.

Delegates should not waste much time in quarrelling with the new rules for ballotting for elections. In general these can be accepted without a great deal of controversy.

OPPOSE

The amendment to rule which provides for a delegate from each branch must be opposed very carefully as there is a danger of dividing the small branches from the large ones.

solve the problems facing railway workers.

A policy which would demand from the Tory government that they guarantee work or full RAILMEN MARCH 4,000 railway shopmen marched through Glasgow on Wednesday. They were joined by many housewives from the Springburn district of Glasgow threatened with heavy unemployment by rail and factory closures.

The railmen listened at Georges Square to speakers from the NUR, Engineering Confederation and Glasgow Trades Council.

Tom Macmillan, chairman of the Cowlairs rank-and-file committee was cheered when he called for a national stoppage to last 'not for one day but until the redundancies are beaten'. IN the September issue of Electron, the journal of the Electrical Trades Union, Mr. John Thomas Byrne, who prides himself as a man of integrity, writes on page 137:

'It is, however, necessary to state that the Communist Party and the Trotskyists are resorting to further unscrupulous methods (including unofficial circulars which they used to condemn when in office) and to organised factional opposition to the proposals of the Executive Council.

"The reason for this is quite obvious, as disclosed in the High Court. It was due to the rigging of the old balloting system that they were able to command all Union, and the proposed changes in ballot rules will ensure that only those with the support of the mass of the members will have the right to occupy positions of leadership in the union.' This statement would tend to imply that Trotskyists had some connection with the recent ballot-rigging case in that union. Of course, this is a downright lie, as Mr. Byrne and company are well aware.

What they fear most is that the militant Left, who are now regrouping their forces and working towards unity in action in the fight against the Right wing in the union, will secure some major victories at the union conference next week. What is required is an examination of the existing rule so that an arrangement permitting the small branches and the large ones to have representation on a basis acceptable to both can be made.

As it stands now, the amendment to rule would disfranchise the majority of members and prevent them from being represented at conference. We feel sure that if this is correctly posed to the delegates from the small branches, it will be appreciated and understood.

The eyes of the trade union movement will be turned to the ETU. We are convinced that the rank-and-file militants of this very important union can and will defeat the Right wing.

N the course of the past weeks, many people, especially young workers, have been drawn into political activity by their instinctive hatred and contempt for the racialist filth purveyed by the fascists.

Clashes with the police have made many think about There is a tendency to see the present outbreak of fascist activity in isolation, as an objectionable accident.

This mistaken view leads both to an over- and an underestimation of the significance of the little groups of misfits and psychopaths, which make up the fascist gangs at present. While they are not in themselves of great consequence, they do indicate an important tendency in the political and economic situation developing in Britain today. The fight against fascism cannot be separated With the entry of Britain into the Common Market, a period of fierce competition will open up for British capital. Vast monopolies, wielding enormous power, must make war on the working class in order to compete more effectively against each other. Rising unemploya Left must lead drive against fascism politics for the first time. from the fight to throw out the Tories. ment will assist their efforts to drive down living standards and safeguard profits. But they still have a powerful labour movement to deal with.

In Britain, they have a tame trade union leadership on their side. The power of the press is deployed to defend it against left-wing opposition, and the witchhunts in the ETU and in the Young Socialists are an important part of this process.

But even though the Labour leaders adapt themselves to the needs of the ruling class, they may not be strong enough to hold back the rank and file. That is where the fascists come in.

However distasteful it may be to sections of the ruling class, the monopolies may require a weapon which can be used to smash the Labour movement. The desperation of the middle class and de-classed victims of monopoly capital is turned against the established institutions of society in the interests of the biggest of big business.

Fascism has to use rubbish of the system.

Failing to provide any real answers to these problems, they drive desperate people into the arms of the fascist demagogues in a period of crisis. Only by showing how the independent action of the organised working class will solve social problems, can the middle class and unorganised workers be drawn away from reaction.

The growth of support for the Liberal Party at this year's by-elections indicates the way in which an anti-working class trend could develop out of the crisis facing the Tories. Incidents involving racialist violence show that a fascist movement could find soil on which to grow in the next few years.

None of the groups of fascists to be seen disfiguring London streets at present may be used in the construction of the mass movement on which big business will eventually put its money. They compete for financial backing as experimental prototypes for a future fascist party.

It is very important to continue the work of stopping the growth of these groups in the way we have seen in Trafalgar Square, Ridley Road, Croydon and Bethnal Green. But this type of action is only a beginning.

At this stage, the employers watch with interest the activities of the fascist groups, and the police protect their meetings. Later, they will be pushed much more to the fore, or even called to power. Then the whole state apparatus will be used to back them.

Out of the experience gained by local anti-fascist committees, socialists must draw the practical and theoretical lessons about the role of the police and the labour leaders in the struggle against fascism. This fight must be linked with the battles to get rid of the Tory government and to counter attacks on working class living standards.

The fight to stop the fascists AS SAALI cannot be separated from the struggle against unemployment, for better housing, against war preparations, and for socialist policies in the Labour movement. That is why the development of a Marxist leadership is the key to the fight against the fascists.

The building of the Socialist Labour League is bound up with this activity. By laying the basis for an alternative to the misleadership of the Right wing and of Stalinism, the League strives to link together the various aspects of the political and industrial struggles going on today, basing itself on the theoretical and historical heritage of Marxism.

This conscious understanding of the role of the working class is essential for the antifascist movement. It is through the united struggle of the working class that the fascists will be cleared off the streets and their backers in the employing class removed from power.

'N spite of the intrigue of Mr. Gaitskell's supporters, he is still not undisputed master of the Labour Party. His fight, fight and fight again' policy reversed the Scarborough decisions of 1960 after the fake Lefts of Tribune ran away from the battle. They deserted the struggle against the H-bomb at precisely the time when it should have been stepped up. The result was an overwhelming victory for Gaitskell at Blackpool last year.

During the last few months, there has been a spate of feverish witch-hunting by the Right wing. Prominent pacifists were almost expelled and the Young Socialist movement has been seriously weakened. Yet in all these apparently successful acts of McCarthyism, the Right wing were left with one main difficulty.

It was, and is, impossible for them to charge their victims with being members of profrom Brighton scribed organisations since it is difficult to provide proof which would convince even a court of capitalist law.

They thought, therefore, that by introducing the 'guilt by association' clause they would overcome this difficulty. If it had been written into the constitution, all they would have to do to expel members would be to produce the most flimsy evidence that they 'associated' with certain proscribed organisations, for them to be accused, charged and drummed out.

But the Right wing has come unstuck. The proposed amendment has been thrown out and the National Executive Committee face a real dilemma. Previously they could apply their own conception of what 'guilt by association' meant, but now the conference has decided categorically against any such ruling. This means that the Left wing can now operate and organise more boldly against the Right.

In this attempt to destroy the Left, Mr. Gaitskell has suffered an even more serious defeat than at the Scarborough conference.

Had the Tribunites and other Lefts fought him for leadership of the Labour Party then this week's decision would have really been a triumphant occasion for them. But it is nothing of the sort.

cont.

like racialism to cover up its role. It must pretend to be extremely 'radical', while it prepares its gangs for violent action against the working class movement.

That is why the do-gooders, who make propaganda speeches explaining why racialism is wrong, without getting at its social roots, can never stop fascism growing. Indeed, they may even help it.

They tell people to ignore the fascists and to avoid their meetings. Or, with the support of the Communist Party, they call for the Tory government to stop fascism by legislation.

Because they do not relate racialism to the need of the employers to split the working class, they imagine that it can be eliminated by passing a law.

The right-wing trade union and Labour Party leaders, in particular, aid the growth of fascism. Tied increasingly to the whole political set-up of capitalism, they identify themselves with the very society which creates unemployment, slum housing, and all the rest Britain in the Sixties: Housing.

(Penguin Special, Price 3/6)

THAT capitalism, and its twin brother landlordism, can never solve the housing problem becomes crystal clear to anyone who reads this book. The misery of millions of workers living in heaps of junk is here translated into cold facts and figures.

The author argues that the vast majority of the three and one-third million houses built before 1880 should be immediately pulled down. When they were constructed there were neither minimum housing standards nor building regulations. Over 80 years of neglect have led to further deterioration.

If all houses in England and Wales over 75 years old were replaced in 20 years, Britain would need 300,000 new houses a year. Another 100,000 would be required for the formation of new households and about 25,000 to replace houses lost through redevelopment, new roads and changes in land use.

Thus, the author maintains, 425,000 houses a year would be required for 20 years. But the current building rate is 270,000 a year and of these, incidentally, only about a half are built for rent. The situation is even worse in Scotland.

The figures in this book are a condemnation of the Tory government. 'One may safely say that slums are being created at a rate a good deal faster than 60,000 a year' (the current replacement rate). 'Over half of the households in privately rented (unfurnished) property in England have no fixed bath of their own. Five per cent have no kitchen sink, 8 per cent no flush lavatory and 53 per cent no hot water. ... About 26,000 baths a year are being installed in private property. At this rate it will take a century and a quarter to equip the more than three million privately rented houses that now either have no bath or a shared one?

The propertv racket is exposed y Alderson. Thus one property dealer who bought a 32 acre plot of vacant ground at Hounslow, has seen its value go up to £3 million. Fabulous prices for land pushed up the price of new houses by 25 per cent in the three years 1959-61.

What a mockery these figures make of the fascists' lies on housing. It was mill and factory owners who laid the basis for the housing shortage 100 years ago by refusing to build decent houses at that time. Their capitalist grandsons carry on the old traditions. How can any coloured worker— who, the book shows, gets the worst of it both in housing and unemployment—be responsible?

The main weakness of the book is that the author — one-time literary editor of The Manager and a guild socialist—is full of middle class prejudices. He believes that subsidies for council property should be abolished. (But the subsidy goes to pay the money lender not the tenant.)

Rented property has deteriorated because rent control has been 'hard on landlords'. (The dividends of the investment companies and housing trusts which the author does not quote, hardly bear out this argument.) Municipalisation of rented property was a nonstarter.' Labour Review Autumn issue First time ever English translation, by Brian Pearce, Other articles include: Art & Revolution by Trotsky; What is Imperialism by Tom Kemp; New Trends in Imperialism; book reviews. Order now from: New Park Publications Londo The British working class cannot wait 20 years to solve the housing problem. The housing problem can be solved-but only by socialist action. Land, finance (banks, investment companies, and building societies) and the building industry must be nationalised.

Rented property must be taken over by the local authorities and the homeless must be immediately housed in empty property, without waiting for requisitioning powers (which will never be granted by the Tory government). Interest on housing (both by local authorities and the individual working Or middle class buyer) must be abolished, and house building accelerated This policy if it is to be operated requires a new leadership in the Labour and trade union movement.

David Finch of Trotsky's Culture and Socialism 186a Clapham High St., Price 2/6 (post paid)

Page Three

Labour Conjerence marks trend, there was much gogy from the platfo concrete proposals in tions.

THE Brighton formists mean by this term. He is one of dogged determina- also uttered a few veiled threats tion to unite the Party in time about possible future action by the for the General Election. But the rail unions - threats which he quickly denied when interviewed at the very fact that unity with the later on television. The secret session dealt present leadership means accept- The day ended turgid with with the 'guilt by association' This dis- ing policies which can in no way debate on housing truncated and a amendment was made notable by solve the problems facing the one on education. Anthony the eloquence of Elwyn Jones, QC, crepancy not due to the Labour movement, has plunged Greenwood, reading with obvious calling for freedom and justice of employers preferring any particular racial group; one it the conference into long stretches of apathy and bore- in the Party, a slashing attack by Bob Willis on George Brown and not more than 7,000. springs from a calculated ir the usual wild invective of Mr.

dom. In the view of many deleSince the similar experiences tion on their part to keep gates, this is the dullest confer- Mr. Charles Pannell which helped with Governor Faubus at working class divided. swing the delegates against the Little Rock, negro and white This is where the trade ence for years. amendment. workers and students have come the picture. Monday, on transport, the chair- In the first big debate on which all those trade union leaders Then came Wednesday, the day been protesting against the black white workers are man, Harold Wilson, called a who have been draping themselves vicious apartheid which exists united trade union against selection of trade union leaders in Union Jacks had been waiting In the 'contederate states. the common enemy, the splitting after Sidney ('some of my mem- for-the Common Market debate. Through their 'sit-ins, boy- tactics of the bosses are upset. bers think I'm a Conservative') Despite all the hot air, flag waving cotts and demonstrations they In the north, where the trade Greene had rushed through a and press propaganda, this was have certain concessions. union movement is strong, the jumbled speech calling for undoubtedly the most unimportant 'integrated' transport policy. as yet these victories employers have a far more diffi- debate of the week. only been achieved in cult task keep down wages. umitea nea. une rignt 1C-11 The miahad This is why many industries are eat in certain restaurants and now moving southwards to those go to certain schools is not states which are traditional Mallon, Bradley and Cousins enough. Before the racial of followed in quick succession, each Perhaps the delegates thought must be struck at the question can be settled blow highly industrialised They know that in attacking Beeching and Marples, but appealing to the Tories to change their present policies. by the Research Department, ex- disinterest from notes prepared plained the new policy on housing, that their decision would nake an impression on the Tories, who are hell-bent on getting into Europe. the problem. of the USA the Labour move- When Mr. Wilson terminated an explanation which left no one Gaitskell received an ovation Racialism in the United ment is relatively weak. There the debate by calling on Ray any the wiser, notably Mr. Green- for an 83-minute speech in which serves exactly the same purpose they have the state and local Gunter, a lone delegate called out wood himself. He concluded by he referred enthusiastically to the racialism in Britain. It is in which the 'What about the rank and file?' asking the movers of a composite 'Mother Country' and the Comtool by the employers of negroes is Wilson replied that he had had to motion on municipalisation to monweath and obtained the to split up the working class. usually unrepresented, call all the union leaders. He remit it to the NEC. Failing this, expected support for the policy of the Labour Party: pressing the Where racialism hits hardest in the USA is in the wage packet. gether with organisations as the Ku Klux Klan, to tants getting to the microphone. did, in order to stop a few mili- might have added, as one paper he asked conference to reject it. and the resolution was defeated The matter went to a card vote Tories get the best possible for to British capital in In 1959 the average yearly their dirty work for them. by a very narrow majority. Thus wage for a white family was They choose to move to the the Party is not committed to any $5,25 The figure for South simply in order to obtain real policy with which to attack cheaper labour. The only the power of the landlords, who If this should not prove possmethod of fighting this is by Gunter made a long, repeti- profit out of the misery of people ible we must stand firm by what strengthening the trade union tive and empty speech in which crowded into slum buildings at we believe for the sake of Britain, in this area. he against called for an 'inte- exorbitant rents. the Commonwealth and the world, grated transport system. For the Tuesday morning was largely and we shall not flinch from our sake of clarity, a delega ite might taken up by a discus ssion on the duty if that moment comes? asked what exactly the re- Health Service and the Gaitskell, Wednesday To ipport the sending Feder troops to Oxford is EVERY Board year the way to fight racialism. Those Inland Revenue publishes who give such support are in Blue Book purporting to give fact giving a vote of confidence detailed information regarding rank and file of to the Kennedy government. the distribution of incomes, and and the trade Yet since when Kennedy has the incidence of tax amongst in a mood. Although come down side of a on the different sections of the populathey want to preserve unity to strong trade union movement? Not only are the Board's avail- the Revenue benefit almost win he next General Election, Since when has Kennedy called tion. able statistics unreliable. In order exclusively from the unlucky, the they are deeply suspicious of for better wages and conditions People like Professor Paish to assess the true income of top ungenerous and the unwise. such full-time politicians for black and white workers? have used these reference books families, it is necessary to have Anyone who is prepared to divest George Brown. Memories Ramsay MacDonald hang h will at a later These Federal troops date can and used 'proving' that there has as the basis for learned marked redistribution of information about family settle- (formulae for vesting capital ments and discretionary trusts not— given luck-trouble his does so with proper advice, should himself of most of his assets and ily over the assembly. against the working class. since 1938. minors to death duties). escape executors with estate duty probGaitskell has succeeded in Those who support their use at But statistics are not sacred. But the Board do not know lems? reversing the Scarborough inti- the present time are playing the Their work is dependent on the number ( if such settlements The book the definiH-bomb decision, but he has same role as the many so-called inclusion of all the facts, I ot only trusts in operati It has tion of income as used by the been beaten in precisely that socialists in Britain who call for selected ones. Professor taxing authorities, and finds it part of the struggle which was Tory legislation against the Titmuss has just carried out a completely inequitable. Buying for him decisive. The witch- fascists, and l in France for most useful survey which exposes shares with a low dividend vield hunters' axe has been blunted giving de Gaulle special pr the falsity of economic theories but high degree of expected and the right-wing leadership for dealing with the OAS. based on statistics reflecting the capital appreciation suits the so-called levelling of incomes. surtax payer who grows richer has been strengthened. His Income Distribution and free of all taxes. The legal disThe defeat of Mr. James Social Change (Allen & Unwin, tinction between capital Callaghan in the elections for coloured workers being 25/-) examines the data on which income the wealthy the National Executive Com- attacked, it is up to the working official statistics are based and estimated these comprise that 11. poor.

assets of over £8,000 million, but mittee was blow against class to take its own independent finds them completely deficient. there are no available records and Whereas the market capitalisaGaitskell. Not one of his action to protect them. The When changes in social patterns it could be considerably more than tion of Woolworth's shares is supporters succeeded in election word action does not are taken into account, such as that figure. some £280 million, this is repreto the Co nstituency section of passive, 'non-violent' protest- the vast number of married working today and much The trusts have enabled vast sented by book values of some £39 million (1955 figures). The the NEC. This section is still the non-violence of demon- marriage compared with fortunes to remain in families for difference has never attracted tax dominated by people vaguely strators has not prevented them pre-war, the weaknesses of the several generations without the in the hands of the shareholder. adhering to the Left. from being savagely beaten up government tables are revealed. capital ever having been reduced This sort of differential applies The Brighton conference re- by racialist mobs the and state A man and wife both earning, by death duty liability. Similarly, most public companies. vealed that because of the lack police. rank as an 'individual' for tax huge life assurances have been Whether it is the mechanics of alternative leadership, Mr. The American workers purposes, and their joint income Woman's Property Act, so that written under the Married tax-saving pension schemes, 'benedefault. Gaitskell. in Marxists fact, leads by form their own defence mittees. The AFL-CIO must is treated nullifying the use one person, thus as the income of only Blue Book completely inheritances will attract death duties. fits in kind' for big businessmen, or educating the children of the rich at the expense of the generadouble their efforts to resume its drive to unionise figures as a source information Profesor Titmuss quotes Mr. lity of taxpayers, Professor in the months ahead new the South and fight to de- as to what section the popula- Grundy Milton, an authority on Titmuss exposes all these devices leaderst advocating socialist segregate own affiliated tion earns what of the total the subject of tax "pli inning', thus: and more. He has performed policy. unions. income. 'As far estate duty is concerned great service by so service by doing.

Seots labour fights unemployment Unions must campaign for ban on overtime HE Scottish trade union movement faces this winter its toughest fight since the 1930s: to defeat the threat of unemployment. The economic policies of the Tory government condemns thousands of families to live on unemployment relief, in continuous struggle to keep up with mounting rents, rates, transport and food costs.

On September 10, the number of unemployed was 82,780, 20,742 more than a year ago and 3.8 per cent of the total labour force in Scotland. The rate of increase, now higher than in 1961, threatens to bring peak unemployment during the slack winter months to a figure exceeding 1959, when over 100,000 were out of work.

In Glasgow, there is to be an immediate run-down of 1,100 men at Cowlairs and St. Rollox railway workshops.

Pits are to close in all of Scotland's coalfields and 5,000 miners will be redundant this winter. There is very little prospect of other employment being provided for miners in some areas: workers and their families face real destitution.

Many engineering factories on the Clyde also have lists of redundancies and workers such as those at Rolls-Royce are being advised to seek employment elsewhere.

The fight against unemployment is not one to 'save the Scottish economy, as stated by the Executive of the Scottish TUC, but a battle to unite the unemployed workers with those in work to defeat the Tory plans.

"INDUCEMENT'

Instead of starting with the necessary unity of all workers, the STUC talks of its objective being 'to arrest the industrial decline and to provide for expansion' . An appeal is made for 'special consideration for Scotland's exceptional problem by 'extraordinary measures of inducement'.

The only inducement which the monopolies are likely to take note of is the prospect of making massive profits. The exceptional position which Scotland occupies is the unenviable one of having very low rates of pay and an army of unemployed.

All talk of offering inducement to employers to come to Scotland and appeals for government 'direction' turn out to be the most reactionary and dangerous propaganda for the employers. Not only will such appeals fail to solve the unemployment problem, but their effect is to divert attention from the main fight. This is to unite the unemployed workers with those at present in jobs, who are themselves fighting against super-exploitation and sweat-shop conditions.

In many engineering factories on the Clyde and elsewhere overtime is being worked whilst union members are walking the streets looking for jobs. In some factories men are on short-time working, alongside those working full week.

Some employ temporary labour, laid off each time there is redundancy, so that a certain number of workers spend a few months of each year on the dole.

The district committee of each union should review the number of their members unemployed each week. All overtime should be automatically banned until all are found work.

The strong Trades Councils in Glasgow, Clydebank, Dundee, Aberdeen and other towns should immediately give a lead in asking all affiliated unions to start such a campaign in the main industrial areas. Trades Councils should themselves go to the factory gates and explain the need for unity of those in work with the unemployed.

There are now five unemployed young workers for every available job. l Many are forced to take Glasgow stewards meet the quarterly meeting of AEU shop stewards in Glasgow last Sunday, a resolution demanding the immediate and complete banning of overtime as a first step to compel the employers to absorb some of the unemployed workers, was passed unanimously. AEU shop stewards from all the main engineering and shipbuilding establishments in Glasgow and Clydebank were in attendance.

The resolution was moved by Communist Party Councillor, Arnold Henderson. Whilst the Right wing 'accepted' the resolution, it was obvious to many stewards that they intend to let it rest at that, and not put it into effect if they can possibly get away with it.

They were annoyed with the terms of the resolution, which sceks to make the union really use its power to challenge the employers and force them to reemploy unemployed workers.

Moves are now afoot by some of the stewards to exert pressure on the Glasgow AEU District Committee to implement the resolution.

Another resolution unanimously endorsed was proposed on behalf Saturday October 6, 1962 Correspondent dead-end labouring jobs whilst others return to school. The unemployed youth should be asked to sign a declaration that once employed they would join a union. Those who sign such a pledge should be given the same opportunities for employment as unemployed trade unionists.

The engineering confederation is on record for the 40-hour week. The miners and many other unions have also said that they would like the introduction of the shorter working week.

Now is the time to campaign and to fight for this demand. The employers should be forced to concede the shorter working week without loss of pay to absorb the unemployed.

By such a struggle the working class will strengthen the labour and trade union movement in a fight to bring down the Tory government. The way can be cleared for the operation of socialist policies of nationalisation and planning as an alternative to the aims of the monopolies. ncy of the Olivetti Shop Stewards' Committee by its convenor, Peter Murray. This called on the General Council of the Scottish TUC to initiate a 24-hour token stoppage around the slogan of bringing down the Tory government and forcing a General Election.

The resolutions demanding action against the menace of unemployment reflect the growing anxiety of the working class at the situation. The main obstacle in the path of the workers who want to see their union being used to defend their conditions, is that section of the officials who see in the unions only an instrument for negotiation with the employers, and who are afraid to mobilise the workers for a struggle. Those are the elements that have to be fought and removed from their positions at all levels in the unions.

The quarterly meeting of the Paisley and District AEU shop stewards also endorsed a resolution calling for a ban on overtime. When the resolution, was moved on behall of the Pressed Steel shop committee, the mover said that the ban should remain operative until all unemployed in the district obtained employment. Docks plans are portworkers REG THE smashing of the Dock Labour Scheme a strengthenWing of employers' authority and direct control over - labour; a contract system of employment with a mobile disciplined labour force, subject to every whim and fancy of the employer; and an increase in mechanisation. These are the plans of the National Port Employers made clear last week with the publication of their "decasualisation' scheme and supported by the report of the Rochdale Committee of Enquiry into the major ports of Britain.

Like the Beeching plan for the railways and the economy plans of the London Transport Executive for the buses, the aim of the port employers is to provide an efficient, competitive and profitable transport system for the British employers. In these considerations the portworker is nothing more than a debit or credit figure on the annual balance sheet.

DISTRUST

Already, the implications of these proposals are being discussed in the branches of the Transport and General Workers' Union and the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers Union. They must be treated with the greatest scepticism and distrust by all portworkers.

The main proposals Rochdale Report are:

1. To restrict the Dock Labour scheme to recruiting and keeping the register of dockworkers.

2. The establishment of a National Ports Authority to coordinate the plans of the port employers and the big industrial monopolies.

3. For portworkers to be directly employed by private employers on a permanent basis and under a signed contract.

4. For shift-work and more mechanisation.

5. For a reduction in the number of employers, and for increased powers for the remaining large employers.

According to a leaflet being circulated by the NASD, the proposals for decasualisation are even more blatantly aimed at destroying existing conditions in the docks. 'Men will be offered a form of contract and agree to honour the requirements of the scheme and all negotiated industrial agreements. Men in breach of their contract will be subject to the disciplinary action of the employer.

The terms of the contract demanded by the employers are harsh. There must be a greater mobility of gangs and the employers reserve the right to threat to increase or decrease the strength of the gangs 'depending on the type of gear to be used'. The document makes it clear that by mobility they mean that workers must be at the continual beck and call of the boss. Manning scales will be determined by the employers and there must, says the document, be improved timekeeping.

Under these conditions the clause in the contract that covers strikes is vicious. 'Any man taking part in a strike will forfeit all rights to any further benefit under his contract for so long as he withholds his labour. His contract may be cancelled, depending upon the circumstances of each incident.' In the case of sectional strikes, the contracts of other categories of labour prevented from working may be temporarily suspended.

MONOPOLIES

Dockworkers should be perfectly clear about these plans. The so-called decasualisation plan is intended to institute the direct employers 'hiring and firing' system which operates in industry generally, with the added sting that workers will be tied to a contract which takes away all the safeguards and checks including the right to strike against the attacks of the port employers.

The proposals of the Rochdale Committee for a reduction of the number of employers is a move to encourage the growth of monopolies. In this way it is hoped to squeeze out the inefficient smaller firms who are often less willing to take the firm stand against the unions and dockworkers which the employers are demanding for the future.

These plans must be resisted and the case for nationalisation of the port transport industry, implicity proved in the report but not acknowledged, must be fought for. Only then can the inadequacies of the Dock Labour Scheme be ironed out and decasualisation carried through to the benefit of all portworkers.

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