De Gaulle tightens up the state

S his determination to resolve the problem of the INCE the end of the Algerian war de Gaulle La determination stimulated by the attempt on Petit-Clamart. This is not a personal question. It is he asserted in his recent broadcast, "to assure the of the State and the functioning of its powers. Wha him to the old-line politicians is a different concepti form the bourgeois state should take. Behind that lies a deep fissure within the French bourgeoisie.

For the political parties, the line of defence of capitalist property relations lies through the parliamentary benches. For de Gaulle and his backers, essentially the big monopoly groupings thinking of the bitter struggles which lie ahead in the Common Market, a strong state is indispensable. Any slide back into Fourth Republic instability would be a disaster.

This is the issue posed by the referendum on whether the President should be elected, that is, retain the absolute powers within his grasp under the present constitution, or whether the gate should be left open for the supremacy of parliament. Big business identifies the latter with the palsy of the Fourth Republic, opening the way to civil war.

HIERARCHY

Dedicated to building a strong state with a first-class army, a massive police reserve and a hierarchy of loyal functionaries, de Gaulle's aim conforms with the needs of the most advanced sectors of French capitalism. It wins support from the main modernising forces in the bourgeoisie which wish to by-pass the old parties, as well as from the direct beneficiaries of bonapartism. If the OAS can be considered a serious contender for power, a further strengthening of the state apparatus not only makes it easier to deal with such opposition, but also draws away from it sections of the ruling class attracted mainly by its authoritarian promise.

has shown succession, his life at necessary, continuity at opposes ion of the difference In the meantime the more backward, and often shortsighted, sections of the bourgeoisie clamour their opposition. Their vote against de Gaulle in the Assembly expresses their weakness, not their strength. As long as de Gaulle commands the state power and can appeal directly to the people through the radio and TV, their opposition is no more than a helpless gesture. In the last analysis they are dependent upon de Gaulle anyway. And he, and they, know it!

Meanwhile because the working class lacks leadership and a programme to win backing from the peasant and lower middle class mass, the main base for bonapartist dictatorship remains intact. The restoration of parliamentary powers means less than nothing to these classes. Contempt for parliament is even deeper than it was in 1958 at the time of the downfall of the Fourth Republic. This the leaders of the parties hardly dare to admit.

If they could see clearly, they would realise, as de Gaulle surely does, that French capitalism must have a strong state power, independent of parliamentary control, or see itself go under before the onslaught of the real democratic forces of a resurgent working class. 'The Union's magnificent se nificent swim 'there is still problem, but tackling this' object of the was to deal Sports Park is a t up'... 'a magming pool... a terrific housing the Unions are •.. The main Labour University with the question oj social Jusuce ... a very fine hospital'... 'A residential Holiday Camp for Trade Union workers in a magnificent setting on the Northern Coast' ... 'A Youth School... 'a National Institute of Welfare:

Not his is not spictur Utopia. It is-incredibly —a selection of the marvels which a delegation from the Lancashire NUM managed to see—in Franco Spain! They went as the guests of Franco's tame fascist - led company union and their glowing report is now the cause of a blistering row in the Lancashire coalfield.

This jaunt took place last April - the same month that the great strike of 100,000 Spanish workers broke out. But no trace of that searing discontent is to be found in this report.

Messrs. Crossley, Gibson, Turner and Gormley were persuaded that all the leaders and committees of this fake union were elected by ballot vote (though there appears to have been no investigation of the conditions under which these "ballots' took place nor any question as to who counted the votes) and that each pit had its NO ONE could dodge this issue, says Mr. Jim Callaghan on the subject of an 'incomes' policy! Britain has always had wage restraint, so there was nothing new in that. What we have to do is to secure the assent of the whole nation to an incomes policy which is fair and equally applied.

Maudling is too timid, according to Callaghan. His new measures are cautious because he fears another balance of payments crisis.

But, hints Mr. Callaghan at the Brighton conference, with a Labour government the cooperation of workers can be assured. In other words, wage control can be instituted to make profits safe for British capitalists.

This column, in the past, has described so-called dividend limitation, called for by Callaghan, as a sham. More investment by big business and tax incentives for them says Mr. Callaghan. But not even Mr. Maudling can encourage big business to invest if the rate of profit is not maintained.

His Mansion House speech in which he announced an increase in public investment and an end of restraint on bank lending was calculated to bring • about an By JACK GALE own elected trade union committee.

Yet during the strike it was these leaders-like Senor Solis —whom Franco drafted in to break the strike. What were these 'democratic committees' doing when miners were being forced down the pits at gunpoint and their wives and children beaten in the streets by Franco's police thugs?

This remains unexplained in the report, published four months after these events. Instead, it comments approvingly on the Union Arbitration procedure: 'It would seem that 70 per cent of the cases submitted for settlement had been agreed to the benefit of the workers. There is not one mention of the fact that strikes are illegal!

And, unbelievable as it seems, this happy picture of peace and harmony was gained from a visit to the Asturias region, where in that very same month City Slants increase in business activity generally.

But the economic climate is such that it is unlikely that these measures will lead to more buoyant trading conditions. Easier lending to local authorities by the Public Loans Board, also announced, was forecast in this column (Newsletter July 21) but the building industry is already Dodging the issue fully extended, and this concession is not likely to have much impact.

Now that the banks and insurance companies are free of controls, they will tend to lend money for projects where there is little risk. Property development, competing for building labour with housing, was on the black list whilst controls were in force. This, however, is the sort of field that appeals to the moneylenders. Franco sent in armed police and troops!

Labour Universities? Welfare schemes? What about the stinking gaols where hundreds of socialists and trade unionists lie rotting their lives away?

What about men like Fernando Macarro Castillo, Antonio Zapata Borrego, Jose Luis Fernadez Albert, Felix Rodriguez Bello and dozens of others all serving sentences of 30 years imprisonment in Burgos Central prison?

Of course, one should not expect a respectable delegation, comfortably quartered in the Plaza Hotel, Madrid, to notice such unsavoury details. No doubt that would be 'outside the terms of reference' - besides being so impolite to one's hosts.

Much better to drool over the symbol of a cathedral and cross erected by Franco after he had butchered the Spanish working class. This building, the delegation reports, 'represented the wish of the Unions to whitewash the scars of a long and cruel Civil War, so that the bodies of the Spanish Youth who fought on both sides of this war could rest together, as each one of them fought, from his own point of view, for a better Spain'.

However, militant Lancashire miners do not go for such whitewash. There are demands for the complete withdrawal of this report, and a censure on the delegation. The men feel that British workers stand foursquare with the fighting miners of Spain, and that hob-nobbing with Franco's fakers is a disgrace to the name of trade unionism.

by colin chance It is precisely this money outlet that is highly inflationary, contributing nothing at all to exports so highly prized by the Tories. Not that export of goods is the cornerstone of their policy. Maudling was well aware of Lord Cromer, Governor of the Bank of England, breathing down his neck and calling for the abolition of controls on capital movements from the UK.

Trading in money can be much more remunerative for capitalists than trading in goods. Investment abroad can yield fatter profits than investment at home.

The political pygmies in the leadership of the Labour Party implore big business to increase their investment. But nationalisation of the basic industries can alone enable sustained investment to take place, because those industries will determine it.

If the next Labour Chancellor is dependent on the beneficence of British capitalists, he will have to take note of Lord Cromer's views, too, for expediency makes Labour 'statesmen' prisoners of the ruling class.