The Newsletter, vol. 6 no. 272

OW can the defence of the Cuban revolution be assured? Marxists answer this question by advocating a programme of working-class internationalism. Concretely, this means the extension of the revolutionary struggle of the Cuban people throughout the continents of North and South America and the capitalist countries of Western Europe.

By extension we do not mean to suggest that it is possible here and now to launch a revolution in defence of Cuba in these countries.

We are talking about the need to campaign constantly within the international working-class movement for policies which, by developing the class struggle, expose the counterrevolutionary role of American and world imperialism.

Socialist internationalism has nothing to do with pacifism and 'do-goodism'. It proceeds from the struggle for the Transitional Programme of the Fourth International and is directed primarily at the working class.

This programme calls for the building of revolutionary parties in all the countries of the world.

BREAK FREE

The tasks before these leaderships today is one of vital importance. They must especially direct their propaganda and agitation to the most advanced layers of the workers in all the capitalist countries and assist them in breaking free from the stranglehold of the Social Democratic and Stalinist bureaucracies, as well as their pacifist allies.

The arguments of the bureaucratic betrayers in trying to counter-act the influence of Marxist leadership are innumerable. Most of them are concerned with camouflaging the treacherous role of bureaucracy in the workers' movement, especially during this critical phase of the Cuban revolution.

ARGUMENTS

We are told by people who should know better that we must not attack the Soviet bureaucracy, because the 'anti - capitalist' struggle comes first. Arguments like these were constantly levelled against Trotsky and the Fourth International by the Stalinists and their hangers-on.

During the Spanish Civil War, when Trotsky directed his main fire at the counter-revolutionary role of Stalin and his Moscow Trials, he was accused by the professional peace-lovers of weakening the 'anti-fascist struggle'.

His actions in launching the Fourth International and urging the construction of revolutionary parties was described by these gentlemen as weakening the 'anticapitalist struggle' For Marxists the struggle against capitalism is inseparable from the construction of revolutionary leaderships. Anti-capitalist militancy is not enough. In fact, because of its acute limitations, it can under certain circumstances lead to serious defeats..

NO APPEAL Not one appeal was made by any section of the Labour bureaucracies to any section of the international working class to intervene on behalf of the Cuban Revolution.

Not one Communist Party was alerted in any way even for the possible immediate consequences of the threat of nuclear war.

The construction of these leaderships is a task which can only be carried out in a resolute theoretical and practical struggle against the Stalinist and Social Democratic misleaders.

This is an essential prerequisite for the defence of the Cuban revolution along the lines of socialist internationalism. Those who use the phrase 'anti-capitalism' to cover up the crimes of bureaucracy are nothing more than its lackeys.

PARISIAN SECT

The Pabloite Parisian sect, which falsely describes itself as part of the Fourth International, issued a call to the workers of Renault to fight to the same extent as the workers' states' in defence of the Cuban revolution.

Here is a classic example of the type of 'anti-capitalist' fight which these gentlemen wage.

The use of the phrase 'workers' states' is in this context designed to obscure the counter-revolutionary role of the bureaucracy of these countries. In calling upon the working class to fight with these states they are, in fact, identiyfing the bureaucracy with the interests of the working class.

OFFSHOOT

They are nothing more than a propaganda offshoot of the bureaucracy masquerading as Trotskyists in order to be better able to carry out their treachery.

The fight to defend the progressive economic form of the workers' states is inseparable from the fight against the bureaucracies which rule them.

Those who suggest that Khrushchev cannot betray the Cuban revolution becauçe of 'pressure' TROUBLE is brewing for the corrupt regimes which the US government holds so dear in Latin America. The imper¡alists' latest attempt to strangle the Cuban revolution has had repercussions all over the continent.

In Chile especially great support has been shown for the Cuban revolution and the reactionary government has been quick to clamp down on this support.

On October 23, a large meeting was held in Santiago. When workers put forward demands that the leaders of the Communist and Socialist Parties should organise marches and a general strike instead of sending mere telegrams of protest, these 'leaders' refused to take the head of the march which had been planned to follow the meeting.

Their place was taken by Clotario Blest of the Movement of Revolutionary Forces and Trotskyists from the Workers' Revolutionary Party.

There was a violent clash with the police. A large number were arrested, including Blest and Luis Vitale, a leading Chilean Trotskyist.

The next day saw further street fighting with the police and the issuing of two communiques by the MRF (one of which we reproduce here) which called for a general strike and the formation of Committees for the Defence of the Cuban Revolution.

There were a number of demonstrations on October 25 in Concepcion, Valparaiso and other provinces. In Santiago 'respectaable' speakers at a 15,000-strong demonstration were embarassed by shouts for action instead of words.

This time the CP and SP expressly ordered that no march take place, but this was ignored and thousands paraded through the streets with Blest and the MRF at their head once again.

This time police action was even more violent; demonstrators London tenants TENANTS of Blendon Row, a 100-year-old block of tenements in Southwark, South London, caused a stir in the Council Chamber when they intervened at the Southwark Borough Council's meeting on October 17.

They were protesting at the rents in this crumbling and insanitary property which range from 15s. 8d. plus rates for a controlled flat, to £3 for a decontrolled flat of the same size. Some families are living crammed into one tiny room and there are only two lavatories to every five flats.

A typical case of the misery and hardship caused to the tenants is that of a young woman with Clotario Blest arrested by police were beaten up and dragged off to waiting vans. Blest was again arrested and a warrant is out for Vitale who is at present in hiding.

The MRF is continuing its campaign for Cuban Defence Committees, for a general strike and the release of their arrested leader.

Presos miembros del MFR. por luchar en las calles por la Revolución Cubana (comunicade N.*3)

A Cumplir el acuerdo de Huelga General Men favor de Cuba Revolucionaria MOVIMIENTO DE FUERZAS BEVOLUCIONARIAS pone en estado de ALERTA a sus militantes para setuar decididi mento por el bloqueo, que es declaración de guerra de los gusanos imperia. listas a Cuba.

Comunicamos al Movimiento de Defensa de Cuba y a la CUT que estamos & sus órdenes para preparar la BUELGA GENERAL acordade ea el lil Congreso CUT.

El Presidente del Mrk, Ciciario Blest, Luis Vitale y 30 compañeros, fueron apaleados y sresos por varias horas en la lra Comisaria el martes 23 por encabezar el desnie a lavor de cuba Asi se fuega el fR en las calles y no con palabras huecas. blamamos a concurrir al mitin del 25 en Ălameda con Dieciocho • las 7. A no delarse amedrentar por los pacos y el Gobierno. Solo la Revotación Proletaria detendrá is Guerra y salvará la Humanidad de la Barbarie ABAJO LOS GUSANOS! VIVA CURA SOCIALISTA Y VIVA FIDEL CASTIO MUERTE AL INVASOR!

A formar de Inmediato los comités de base de defensa de la Revelación Cubana. A movilizarse por las calles y Poblaciones Obreras.

MOVIMIENTO DE FUERZAS REVOLUCIONARIAS SANTIAGO-CHILE a las 15 hra del 24 de Octubre de 1962 ' Only the Proletarian Revolution can stop the war and save the world from barbarism, says this leaflet issued by Chilean Marxists. It calls for a general strike to be organised by the trades unions in accordance with their previous decision, and for the workers to demonstrate their support for the Cuban revolution on the streets. protest two children who has flat on the top floor.

Her voungest child in the heart. to take special catch cold, but has to sleep slightest chill passed on.

The owner hides behind tr Investments Ltr in 1961, but sold on March landlord living The tenants meetings and Labour MPs, Bob Mellish ne ~ savio She has been told care that he doesn't as the entire family in one room, the is bound to be of the buildings e title of Heysarbor 1., which was floated Blendon Row was this year to another in Belgium.

have held public intend to lobby Ray Gunter and xt week. The pay then meth prod than for.

purge By Our Industrial Correspondent FORDS have issued a challenge the British working class. From the Detroit headquarters of this giant motor combine have come instructions to speed the production lines and extract more profit.

The threat is not an attempt to reduce wages.

Ford policy is to over the rate and by speed - up ods make everyone ясе much more they are being paid 1ne Lagennam snowaown must inevitably lead to the beginning of an attempt by all the motor combines to follow Ford's example. Militant shop stewards have got to go and the threat of the sack must be restored: this is the employers' plan.

Impression

With new factories opening in other parts of the country, Fords would like to create the impression that they can withstand a serious strike.

The opposite is the case. If the trade union leaders would wage a serious struggle on behalf of the men who are being. victimised they would be quickly reinstated.

Fords are already overspent and as a result of this face a continuous fall in their annual rate of profit. The trade union movement in the Ford factories in Detroit and elsewhere are watching events at Dagenham with keen interest.

An appeal by the engineering unions to the United Automobile Workers would almost certainly produce a sympathetic response. As in the 1930s, so today Ford is a barometer of union organisatior • back par col.

Page Tw November 10,1962

ISSATISFACTION SFACTION with the bureaucratic control of the Young Communist League simmered beneath the surface at the 24th National Congress held in London last week-end.

Two long orations by the movement's secretary, Jimmy Reid, one by John Gollan, and a series of fraternal delegates from the 'socialist' countries and western Europe kept discussion by the delegates down to a minimum.

There was little real criticism, but many of the contributions showed that back in the branches—if not at the Congress -there was considerable discontent over the stifling 'unanimity' of the YCL, the elderly and balding leaders, the virtually self-perpetuating National Committee and, most of all, their monthly paper Challenge.

BUREAUCRACY

It would be wrong to give the impression that all this discontent is expressed vociferously or repeatedly. The YCL has a membership of more than 4,500; the majority are young workers who are clearly proud to belong to what.they consider to be a.communist movement.

This pride and enthusiasm is tempered by the brick-wall bureaucracy, which channels the members into activities which sap their energy and militancy. They become bewildered and then apathetic at their lack of contact with the main stream of working-class activity against the Tories.

The main purpose of the Congress is to smooth over this discontent by attempts to show that all is well in the world, that the 'socialist' countries are making THE new edition of Trotsky's Permanent Revolution and Results and Prospects is a major event for the socialist movement. Although these works were written 34 and 57 years ago respectively, they throw a brilliant light on many of the problems of the international Labour movement in 1962.

Analysing the tasks of the working class in revolutions in backward countries and their interconnection with the fight for socialism in the metropolitan countries, they are indispensable for the study of world politics today.

The Permanent Revolution is a polemic against Radek, who in 1928 was moving away from the Left Opposition and towards capitulation to Stalin.

Trotsky examines the argu ments against his pre-war theory of the permanent revolution (as expounded in Results and Prospects) and takes up the history of his differences with Lenin before 1917, of which Stalin and his henchmen made so much.

The generally-held view of Russian Marxists up to 1917 was that the coming revolution would be a bourgeois revoluNewsletter Reporter giant strides, that capitalism is on its knees in Britain and, by winning a few thousand more recruits to the CP and YCL, it can finally be toppled over and replaced by socialism.

This was the main emphasis of the platform speechs-to win more recruits. But little was said about the need for sound policies and campaigns with which to carry out this task.

Despite frequent references to 'our' theory of Marxism which guides the movement's work (and Gollan: Rule Brittannia'shines through the articles in Challenge' according to Mr. John Delahoy!) the speeches and contributions showed a complete and disastrous lack of understanding of revolutionary politics and its practice.

This convenient ignorance allows the Stalinist hacks in command to win support for their opportunist and reactionary policies.

Nationalism was the publ tion. That is, it would have to solve these problems of Russian society, which the English and French capitalist class had resolved in the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries.

Out of the revolution would emerge a democratic Russia, in which the power of the landowners was smashed and the oppression of the national minorities ended. The working-class movement would then prepare the fight for the socialist revolution.

The Mensheviks interpreted this to mean that the working class had to remain subordinate to the middle class in the overthrow of Tsarism. Lenin and the Bolsheviks saw that the Russian capitalists were far too weak and too scared of the workers to accomplish this task. The working class had to take over the leadership of the revolution and in particular of agenda. 'Our glorious Great agenda. 'Our Britain', , remarked one delegate from Bournemouth, speaking on the Common Market.

Gollan, on the same subject, said the sovereignty of the British parliament and judiciary would be sold out if we entered Europe. In France, de Gaulle was on his way out and - hurrah! - the Popular Front was on its way in.

Taking the theory of 'socialism in one country' to its logical and diabolical conclusion, he forecast the replacement of capitalist competition by socialist competition: 'when we have got socialism in this country, then we can turn to the Soviet Union and say watch out, for we will achieve even greater things than you' Such speeches-linked with resolutions calling upon the government to find jobs for unemployed youth and to outlaw fascism-will quickly ruin many of the young workers who join the YCL. They will either drive them out of politics altogether or turn them into tame lap-dogs of the bureaucracy.

There is an urgent need to step up the fight for socialist policies in the Labour and youth movements, to expose the criminal role of Stalinism and to win YCLers to a true understanding of Marxism.

The YCL must link up with the campaigns run by rank-and-file Young Socialists. They, despite a ferocious witch-hunt from Transport House, are in many cases leading the fight against the Tories, while the Communist Party stands in well-deserved isolation on the sidelines, appealing to the government, and frothing at the mouth over the need for "peace'.

Unless this is done the YCL will snap like a dry stick in the coming struggles.

CRAWFORD the peasants, had to take the power themselves. This would inevitably mean the introduction of socialist measures. The democratic revolution would 'grow over' into the socialist revolution.

But this could not be simply a Russian affair. The permanence of the revolution implied its link with the revolutionary movement of the European workers.

Trotsky, in The Permanent Revolution, goes into some detail on the relation between his ideas and those of Lenin. He shows that it was Lenin's criticisms of his attitude to the centralised Marxist party, which Trotsky afterwards understood and accepted, that kept them apart, and not their differences on the permanent revolution. LEON TROTSKY was the only socialist theoretician to put forward a continuous and consistent theory of fascism and the working-class fight against it during its rise in the 1920s and 1930s. His writings on Italy, Germany and France are indispensable for any Marxist and for the working class in its fight against fascism today.

A selection of extracts from these writings has recently been re-published in duplicated form, by the International Bookshop of Nottingham.

It is important to note that, although the Trotsky selection from the original pamphlet (Pioneer Publishers, New York, 1944) are printed in their entirety, there is no acknowledgcounter-revolutionary role. Walters' introduction makes is point in one breath and ›poses it in the next, saying:

'This doesn't mean that socialists shouldn't. put the slogan of state action against Fascism. But socialists should advance this demand for the purpose of exposing the Tories (and other pillars of the establishment) as protectors of Fascism. Even so, it should form only a minor part of the programme of action against Fascism, the main conttnt of which should be the mobilization of the workers' movement and to which the question of state action should be subordinated, that is, the demand should be lughter

A Great publishing event for socialists the peasants, who formed the bulk of Russian society. Lenin called the result of this the 'democratic dictatorship of the proletariat and peasantry'.

Trotsky took neither of these views. Developing some of Marx's ideas of 1851, he argued that the workers, supported by After October 1917, the old theories of Bolshevism on the 'democratic dictatorship' were outmoded. Lenin's conception of the party was completely vindicated, as was Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution.

But the inception of Stalin's By Cliff ment of its first publication or of the comrade mainly responsible for it.

The original compilation was made by Bert Cochran of the Socialist Workers' Party (USA), who also wrote an introduction under the name of E. R. Frank.

Not only is Frank's introduction omitted, but no reference to it is made. This is especially to be condemned as the new introduction by John Walters introduces an opportunist formula which takes the guts out of the Marxist case against fascism.

Trotsky's main point was the need for united working class action led by a revolutionary party as the only force capable of stopping fascism, which is only an alternative course for the 'democratic' capitalist system at a certain stage of development.

Those who pose, as an alterative, demands for an antifascist alliance of 'progressives' of all classes, or call upon capitalist governments to take measures against fascism, play idea of 'socialism in one country' led to the revival of the old formulas, although not their content.

Stalin imposed what was really a Menshevik line on the Chinese Communist Party. On basis of the idea that the revolution had to take place in 'two stages' (first the bourgeoisie and then the workers) the Chinese CP was forced to do the bidding of Chiang kai-shek.

The resulting disaster of 192627 set back the Chinese revolution for 20 years.

Since the Second World War, the weakness of world imperialism and the betrayals of Stalinism have enabled middle class movements in the colonial countries to lead powerful mass struggles.

In the absence of Marxist parties, basing themselves on The Permanent Revolution and Results and Cloth NEW PARK PUBI Clapham High Strer posed in such a way that it mobilises the workers' movement and does not under any circumstances create illusions of the state being the instrument for suppressing Fascism.' This is real double talk: Yes, you may go in the sea, but on no aciohnt get yohr feet wet! But it is the kind of political phrase-mongering which enables people to pose as left-wingers and revolutionaries while in practice never fighting for their own independent class line against opportunist tendencies. Such 'revolutionaries' are very good conformists.

Just as important politically is the suppression of all reference to the original editor and his work. Here it is not a question of abstract standards of scholarship, but of according honestly the credit for all contributions to the history of the Marxist movement, even by those who later abandoned Marxism.

Only such an attitude to the movement's own history can lay the basis for a scientific and revolutionary appraisal of our present tasks.

the working class, the nationalist leaders have been able to control the masses and use them as bargaining weapons to extract concessions from imperialism.

Nothing could be more alien to Trotsky's ideas than to argue, as some have done, that such processes can unconsciously, automatically and irreversibly replace the struggle for a conscious working class party.

The international character of the fight for socialism demands the establishment of a world movement, which grasps the inter-relationships of the various sections.

Trotsky showed in 1905 that the world was ripe for the overthrow of capitalism. The study of this book can help in the building of the leadership needed to carry through that task.

Prospects Paperback CATIONS ; London,

by the Soviet masses, do, in fact, organisa ion imply that the counter-revolution- working class, creates ary effects of the bureaucracy illusion that it can play a prohave been eliminated. Kennedy's promise no : to invade gressive role in relation to Cuba.

The Soviet bureaucracy cannot Cuba, which is being hailed by interven ion of the Red defend the Cuban revolution. the Stalinists as a great victory, is Cross can only to weaken intervention of the United Nations Firstly, its defence is tied to the as worthless all promises. his other the revolution resisted. must be of which is just an extension of the apparatus of the capitalist state on In order to implement the just The revolutionary Marxists of purpose of UNO is to behead all the international arena. The chief demand that the American Marines should get out of Guan- the Fourth International must today stand firm in the fight for neigel, revolutionary movements every- the active revolutionary assistance tanamo, the Cuban people require socialist internationalism as the where. of the working class in the United only effective means of defendThe Soviet Union asked for States. ing the Cuban revolution.

the Congo. This United Nations to intervene in intervention led To raise this demand without All propaganda for peace to the murder of Lumumba and a any serious attempt to win the which opposed to the struggle situation where the Belgian im- support of this working class of the working cl ass against Together with military the perialist puppet Tshombe now relegates it to the realm of Left their capitalist rulers is reactioncorrespondent arrested in appears to be on the threshold of phrase-mongering, which is mean- ary. All forms of propaganda Spain (with the aid of Inter- taking over the eadership of the ingless in terms of real struggle. which suggest that the Soviet pol) and two other members entire Congo. bureaucracy can derend of the staff, they have been We are told that in backing Cuban lies. revolution held for questioning on down before Kennedy's war Soviet bureaucracy now charges of treason and bribery threat, Khrushchev dispiayed agrees intervention of the to the of state officials. 'extraordinary powers states- Red Cross, which is nothing more man and world leader' than an organisation for imple- The fight against imperialThis Gestapo-like action by Apparently these powers were menting a gentleman's agreement ism demands the ruthless exsi Adenauer's police allege dly displayed in a plan to put the between the capitalist powers to posure of all those who under tion of 1956. Only in workers' the rev last issue of October arose out of an This gave information about 10. article in the opportunity rockets there in order that he to withdraw. should have the first place in imperialist state apparatus. make war more 'humane'. It is, in fact, a part The the the guise of fighting the anti- capitalist struggle shamefully few weeks have Rakosi Stalinist accomplices been ex- and his the NATO exercise 'Fallex 62' worse than the United Nations. Red Cross is no better and no ignore the treachery of the Soviet bureaucracy and and said that its results showed pelled from the Hungarian The bureaucracy simply exploits main silent about its disasi Communist Party, and still that a nuclear attack Western on what this effect does the ignorance of role of this the role in Cuba.

Europe would result logic have on the working of them are living peaceful ten and fifteen million North America? The vast within the Soviet Union. propaganda machine of American lice Der Spiegel refused to submit Only this year Kiss and imperialism utilised the incident Stalinists have been removed its next issue for censorship by to spread lies among the American government posts by Kadar and T7 _ 1 the State Prosecutor, but galley- working class about the warlike Co his clique. proofs were seized by the police intentions of the Soviet Union.

The 'liberal' wing of the Stalin- before publication. Despite all They used the situation in order of 40 ist bureaucracy led by retains an iron grip Kadar still over the this week. difficulties, the iss appeared to rally the American working class behind the Kennedy admini- ly, 1 though many intellectuals who were involved in the revolution working class of Hungary. Al- the The police magazine's files, which away stration of power politics and secret diplomacy in order to establish 'peaceful co-existence' the of have been released and left free may contain information about between the Soviet bureaucracy to publish, the workers who took former relations between and American imperialism. donating their salaries a leading part in 1956 have bers of the present nothing in common war effort of the Indian ceived very different treatment. and Nazis. ists and landlords.

We reproduce here the terms of . British Labour a petition which is to be circulated vigorously against throughout the Labour Many Germans rega this 11. action as one of revenge the Adenauer government. Der Six years after garian insurrection, former Spiegel is noted for its hard- Meanwhile, Khrushchev's 'wishitting attacks on many aspects members of the Budapest Cen- dom' over Cuba has lost the tral Workers' Council, as well of political life. In particular people of the USSR and Eastern as hundreds of workers, mem- it campaigned recently against Europe well over £300,000,000.

bers of factory councils, are Defence Minister Strauss, still imprisoned. cusing him of incompetence as NEGOTIATIONS Further, nothing whatever is well as dubious deals concerned known of the fate of Sandor with defence contracts. British capital's entry into Racz, Jozsef Babai, Jozsef Market.

The allegations were Balazs, György Kalocsai, 'popular' press relegates György Karsai, and other mem- into by an inter-party combers of the Central Council and mittee, whose report exonerat- to the back pages.

actory councils. We, the undersigned, members ing Strauss was accepted by the Bundestag only 24 hours before at the moment, however, is What is happening of favourable the would acce be most ptable to of the Labour movement, pro- the arrests made. immense importance to capitalists. French steelowners, and inevitably est and urgently demand, in the name of freedom of expression of strongly against the attitude the Hungarian government he knew action was going Strauss Der was heard Spiegel alleges to say to be that that in regardless of the price electoral prospects of the Tor That they are determined go be attitude, French moment sell steel more This steel they for example, of barons. At out by the the the there will be an upward in steel prices in Britain. proposed by the EEC calls for a A 'programme of action' just movement for all tendencies within the taken against the magazine paid cannot be open to doubt. cheaply the other EEC than unified monetary policy and working-class movement, the time before it happened. But the price becomes higher countries, the intervention of but central co-ordinated planning of immediate release of the im- prisoned revolutionaries' cation of This affair the one more indi- trend towards and higher, and that is what the bargaining in Brussels 1s about. So far agriculture is con- as 75 per cent capacity, would repre- Britain, now working at only sent a real threat to French steel the economies of the Six until such time as a single economic budget for the whole 'community' dictatorship in West cerned, the European capitalists interests. By 1965 combined the can be operative.

It is an attempt to want an immediate end to the steel capacity of the alone will Six It is contrary reality to Already in France large num- pattern of events guaranteed price system which has consider that there is on one side ber of leading trade union mili- Gaulle's lictatorship. enabled British farmers to enjoy the "economic"-which can be tants in Paris and other towns have supported this campaign. A most important part of the political direction These changes mono- such a prosperous time since 1939. Any question of the guaranteed price for farm products. being for on brought into common . . .-and which a similar task remains he other side the «political"

revival of the international work- polies wish to as the below the 'community price' is not to be accomplished in ing moment is the building of Common Market shape. on, and Heath's request for a hrough a "political union" bonds of solidarity between wor- transition period whereby guaran- Thus spoke Professor Hallstein, kers on both sides of the 'iron tees can be ended gradually, will be 98 metric milion president of EEC. Economic curtain'. not be agreed. 10 million metric tons programming by the Six, of The Newsletter calls upon all Then there are difficulties about the expected demand. course, presupposes a degree of socialists to support a national save the tariffs proposed by EEC At a recent press conference, political integration. British campaign for the 'liber 'ation of for against former colonial countries M. Jacques Ferry, vice-president capıtal will _ 1 -..:11 nave to give big conthese members of the Budapest such as India and Pakistan. of the French steel federation cessions in the interests of the workers' council. But the vague promises made called for 'disciplined prices' and monopolies as a whole. In pracCopies of the petition are now to the 'commonwealth' countries' 'disciplined markets' from British tice, though, the class of interests being circulated and can be ob- representatives do not particularly steel exporters. There were of the different capitalist groups tained from The Newsletter, at worry the Tory negotiators. The 'limits in competition' which must may still preven i the realisation 186A Clapham High Street, Lon- Tory conference at Llandudno has not be exceeded. Obviously the of the 'ideals' of Eurocrats in don, S.W.4. made inevitable establishment of steel cartel Brussels.

EN

unemployed VER 800 Merseyside trade unionists marched through London last week in a demonstration against rising unemployment in the North-west area. Organised by the Liverpool Trades and Labour Council under the slogan "We Want Work', the march quickly changed its demands to •Kick Out the Tories!' Represented on the march were building workers, engineers, dockers, electricians and plumbers. Particularly prominent were * Crade Unloits miss fialists carrying placards demanding, Unionists must fight for jobs for school leavers'.

Many of the workers who then went on to lobby Parliament were very sceptical about achieving any results there.

Mr. Edward Loyden, a dock worker and Labour councillor for West Derby told me that he had no illusions that their problems could be solved by visiting the Commons.

"The Rochdale report on the docks which has just been published makes it clear that contraction is the order of the day, not expansion, he said.

Frank Dooley, scaffolder steward from Gleesons in Liverpool said, 'I am opposed to the lobby ot Tory MPs which the Trades Council is advocating.

•I think a visit to this place is a waste of time. Its just a phoney showplace anyway, and the MPs won't do anything for us?

If any illusions were held they must have soon been dispelled. Only eight MPs came into the lobby and none of these had any help to offer.

Angry workers demanded of Labour leaders like Harold Wilson (whose constituency covers the Kirkby Industrial Estate where 1,000 are workless) and largeter (Secretary of the AEU MPs), that Subscription Department, The Newsletter, 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.A. 7s. for 12 issues, or f1 8s. per year Name Address Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspapor Published by The Newsletter, 186л Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 Printed by Plough Press Lid. (TU), r.o. 180 Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 they begin to fight the Tories and for a socialist policy for Labour.

' We have 80,000 slums in Liverpool and yet 4,000 building workers are on the dole, said one worker. 'Why doesn't the Labour Party propose to nationalise the building industry?' 'If we did we would never win the election, replied Wilson.

'Why don't you help Fords workers to fight sackings and the victimisation of stewards? ' asked another.

A Young Socialist from Kirkby who asked Wilson to support their fight against unemployment was told by Wilson that he would not because it was "being organised by Keep Left.

BROWN CHASED

George Brown was chased across the lobby with cries of "Go back to the Mirror' when he said he had nothing to say on unemployment.

Trade unionists must realise that unemployment will not be fought in Parliament by MPs of this type.

Dave Buckley, a delegate from the Liverpool Plumbing Trades Union, expressed the hope that workers would not be disheartened by this lobby but would return to the Merseyside to take up the fight in the district.

'We must fight in the trade unions for no sackings and for work-sharing,' he said. 'One of the most important things is for overtime to be banned where unemployment exists.

'We must ensure above all that unity is maintained by employed and unemployed.

'Instead of asking the Tories to send new industries to Merseyside, the Labour movement must fight to take over existing industries. The first steps will be to remove the Tories from office'

Industrial R. BEECHING offered the railwaymen what can only be considered a calculated financial sneer in the form of a 5 per cent wage increase 1/- in the f) at the beginning of the week. The NUR leadership, which apparently draws some pleasure trom being sneered at, seemea preparea to accept this laughable amount, but were held back by the refusals of ASLEF and the TSSA.

After talks on Wednesday afternoon, however, all three unions agreed to accept a 6 per cent increase. This amounts to just over ls. 2d. in the f.

This will mean a rise of 10s. 3d. for a junior porter, bringing his average weekly wage up to £9 3s. 3d.

A senior driver—a man with many years' experience in an exacting and highly responsible job-will now get f14 14s.

Dr. Beeching said after the talks that he did not anticipate a rise in fares because of the increase.

Asked if he was satisfied by the agreement, NUR general secretary, Sidney Greene commented: 'No- but then I'm never satisfied. We're still at the end of the queue.' Greene and company are at the back of the queue, too, when it comes to providing leadership for their members.

The Tories and their hatchetman Beeching are treating them with open contempt now. They add a few coppers to the weekly wage at the same time as they prepare massive redundancies.

Not even the most trusting railway worker can now doubt that his 'leaders' are totally incapable of leading a struggle against redundancy.

This miserable snub of a wage increase serves to show vith even greater clarity th leed for rank-and-file action b all transport workers against the government.

Fords: from page It was one of the last strongholds to come down in the great CIO movement to organise the motor car workers. Now it is one of the first to make the challenge in Britain.

Prompt action nationally and internationally can bring the Dagenham dictators to heel.

Unfortunately the rightwing trade union leaders do not contemplate such action. The attitude of the AEU executive council is typical. In not recognising the strike call and in playing for time they are encouraging Fords to stand firm.

This can have the most serious repercussions in the engineering industry. Victimisation will be rampant throughout the motor trade.

The shop stewards' movement in the big car factories can still stop this retreat. An immediate meeting of all shop stewards' prepare Newsletter Reporter

BUILDING workers in Scotland are not waiting for the Tory government to set up cheap industry to absorb the unemployed. They are going all out to get a shorter working week, down to 40 hours, and better wage rates as well.

This section of workers leads the field now in militant policy against unemployment. At a meeting of 1,500 in Glasgow last Sunday they launched their fight.

200 more were kept out of the packed hall and held an overflow meeting in the street. They are determined to obtain their demands by militant action and prevent the worsening of conditions in the building industry.

Railwaymen in the West of Scotland expressed their impatience with official policy also, last week-end in a resolution which called for a week's strike to take place in the near future to prevent sackings.

They are to be addressed by Mr. Green, their General Secretary, next Sunday. No doubt he will council caution and try and talk it out as he has done in the past.

He should be told bluntly to come off it and either lead the railwaymen who have shown that they are willing to fight or get out and make way for others who will.

one committees associated with the motor industry should be called.

It should launch a national rank-and-file movement in the motor industry and call upon the workers of all the industries which supply parts and equipment to stand with them.

Deputations of shop stewards should be sent to Detroit and to the Ford factory in Germany to urge internaional action.

A struggle along these lines would inspire the entire trade union movement and completely expose the Tory government as it frantically prepares for an election.

Such a struggle would, of course, incur the wrath of the Right wing, but this must be done sooner or later in any case. We say the sooner the better.

There is little time to lose if this serious situation is to be retrieved.

SPONSORED by a group of shop stewards and militants in engineering and other factories on the Clyde, a rank and file Labour Congress is to be held at 7 p.m. on Sunday, November 11, in the Partick Borough Halls, Glasgow.

The speakers at this meeting will all be members of the Labour movement who have been witch-hunted by the right-wing trade union and Labour Party leaders.

The speakers include Roger Protz, editor of the recentlyproscribed Young Socialist paper Keep Left, and a member of the ETU whose has been prominent in the fight for democratic control of the union.

KINCARDINE

Members of the ETU from Falkirk will be present who were associated with the 13-week strike of the Kincardine Bridge electricians, whose fight against the employers was broken by the intervention of the leadership of the union.

The aim of the Congress is to 'strengthen the Labour and trade union movements in the fight against the Tories'. It also declares that it intends to fight to see the scrapping of the 'whole paraphernalia of the witch-hunt which cripples the working class in their struggles with the employers.

The Congress has itself been witch-hunted. The Secretary of the Glasgow City Labour Party, Mr. T. G. Simpson, has circulated his members with the instruction that they must not attend the Congress.

"GBA' DEFEATED

The reason he gives is that its secretary, Alec McLarty, is a member of the Socialist Labour League. For Mr. Simpson the Brighton conference of the Labour Party and its defeat of 'guilt by association' might never have taken place, but being a full-time official, he believes, entitles him to ignore conference decisions!

His very actions are themselves a justification for the calling of the rank and file congress-to fight against the witch-hunt and to thus strengthen the working class.

The Scottish Area of the Socialist Labour League will be sending delegates to the Congress and will work to help make it a success.

SOCIALIST LABOUR LEAGUE PUBLIC MEETING Liverpool LEADERSHIP AND THE WORKING CLASS How to fight unemployment, race hatred, witch-hunts)

Stork Hotel, Queen Square, 7.30 p.m., Sunday, November Admission 1/-