The Newsletter, vol. 6 no. 275

NO one in the Labour movement should be surprised over the Liverpool outburst of Sir Patrick Hennessy of Fords. Sir Patrick, fresh from his witch-hunting in Dagenham, iS an arrogant man. le failure of the trade union chiefs, amongst them Frank Cousins, to call a halt to the victimisation of their members has given him great encouragement. le inability of the leadership of the Communist Party to mobilise rank and file support against the attacks on their members has aroused in him his contempt for so-called militant trade unionists, who make a lot of left-wing noise but do no fighting. ennessy is a faithful example of the class he represents. The British employers, through such men, demonstrate their real class hatred for the working people, whose labour power is the source of all real wealth. hile workers toil away under conditions like those which prevail at Fords of Liverpool, they sit in their centrallyheated offices, discussing : the next list of victimisations. They have nothing but the utmost contempt for the spineless trade union leaders. Hennessy and men like him are in fact a tribe of industrial savages. Their main purpose in life is to extract more and more profit from the backs of human beings, who in their eyes are as unimportant as e think it is therefore a good thing that Sir Patrick spoke up and should continue to do so, since he will help the working class to understand their real role in capitalist society.

will urge them forward in their efforts to get rid of capitalists and capitalism for ever, and speed the day when Sir Patrick Hennessy will be required to toil under the conditions prevailing at Speke —just for the experience. Meanwhile, is it not time something was done about Bessie Braddock MP and her husband, John?

In its editorial of 27.11.62, the Daily Mail commented favourably on Mrs. Braddock's periodic outbursts against so-called 'trouble-makers'. Liverpool labour have it in their power to deal with the Braddocks. They should start using power immediately.

thrashing By ALAN WEST, Our Labour Correspondent TITH each crop of bye-elections, the standing of the Tory government sinks lower and lower. Despite frantic cabinet changes and desperate attempts to bribe the electorate. Macmillan and his gang are clearlv on their way out.

Last week, they lost two seats, Woodside and South Dorset, to Labour and scraped home by very narrow margins in three others.

It is clear that even without any sort of policy at all the Labour Party can command overwhelming support from the working class in the industrial areas like Glasgow, Woodside, where unemployment, shocking housing conditions and low wages have rent asunder the Colman, Prentiss and Varley glossy myth of affluence and never-had-it-so-good.

But Ior poor wearner on poung n... I- - - 11: -day, which traditionally hits Labour harder than the Tories, it it obvious that Mr. Carmichael would have gained an even larger majority.

DIFFERENT STORY In the rural and suburban constituencies it is a very different story. Although Labour will clearly prosper in industrial areas from the anti-Tory swing, they have a great deal of ground to make up in the middle-class professional and rural belts.

They will need to win a large number of seats here if they are to get anything like a reasonable majority at the next election.

At the moment it is the Liberals, with an assorted bunch of extreme right-wing antiCommon Marketeers and 'independents' , who are forcing the pace.

Mr. Barnett, the new Labour MP for South Dorset, owes his victory to the intervention of Sir Piers Debenham, an antiEurope protege of Lord Hinchingbrooke's, who swung a large number of votes from the orthodox Tory, Mr. Angus Maude.

The middle-class Vhat's going on in the USSR An important series of articles crisis facing the Soviet bureaucra the effects on their foreign policy on page GERRY Gaitskell: complacent whoops rag-bag on the far right is a dangerous expression of dissatisfaction and anti-working class feeling which, unless Labour sets out consciously to overcome it, could subsequently manifest itself in support for a 'strong-man-toget-to-grips-with-the-unions' type of neo-fascist movement.

Labour must win the middle-class vote. It can only do this by showing that this sector of the community is suffering at the hands of the same oppressor as is the labour movement - namely, the monopolists and their hired hands in the Tory government.

From this stems the need for realistic and thorough-going socialist policies to answer the menace of the monopolists.

There are "joyous whoops' from Mr. Gaitskell and company, we are told, at the latest results. This is dangerous complacency. There is no decisive vote for Labour at the moment, only votes against the Tories.

As the General Election approaches the need for rank and file struggle to place the Party on a truly socialist basis becomes more and more necessary.

on the cy and begins two The following extracts are taken from the French newspaper 'Figaro' of 28.11.62 Sofia, November 27, 1962 Bulgaria today proceeded with a profound alteration of the ministerial cabinet giving Mr. Todor Jivkov's government a structure similar to that of the Soviet Union.

The number of ministers has changed from 26 to 28. Parliament has approved the nomination of 12 new ministers and leaders of special government commissions. Following the example of the Soviet Union, responsibility for industry and agriculture has been separated.

The post of First Vice-President of the Council, formerly held by Mr. Raivko Damyanov, has been entrusted to Mr. Jivko Jivkov (no relation to the head of government and First Secretary of the Party).

The 'Commission for the truth about the crimes of Stalin' has sent the President of the Council of Czechoslovakia and the presidium of the Czech CP Congress a telegram demanding the public recognition of the crimes which were the judicial murder, nine years ago, of Rudolf Slansky, Vladimir Clementis and nine other condemned political prisoners, all hanged on December 3, 1952, after trials which are today recognised as parodies of justice.

The telegram demands equally the denunciation of the tioners.

Moscow, November 27, 1962 Denunciators, slanderers, accusers and provocateurs guilty of abusive repression and of the death of innocent people during the epoch of Stalin's personality cult in the USSR, will be able to be prosecuted, it is learnt from good sources.

A first official measure in this direction has been against a Moscow literary man, Yakov Efimovitch Elsberg, who has been expelled from the Moscow writers' organisation as a voluntary provocateur and accuser of his brother writers.

His expulsion is announced in the latest information bulletin from the leadership of the Moscow writers' organisation Moscovskii Literator, in the framework of an account of a meeting of the party cell of the critics section.

The 'voluntary provocateur, Elsberg, according to an informed source, caused 'several talented writers' to be sent to prison during the personality cult era. A good number of these have not returned.

Speak up HE Ford Motor Company is preparing further attacks on the wages and conditions of workers in the Merseyside area.

The warning, given at a banquet of civic dignitaries in Liverpool this week by Sir Patrick Hennessy, that the company is reconsidering plans to build a £9 million extension at the Halewood plant was designed to panic Labour and trade union officials into supporting a showdown with the local labour movement.

In addition Fords have announced their intention of moving tractor production to Holland, where they hope to be free from strikes.

Encouraged by the success at Dagenham in victimising 40 of the most active shop stewards and branch officials, Hennessy is determined to ensure that resistance to Fords' demands is broken once and for all.

The militant resistance of Merseyside building workers to the constant attacks on shop stewards on the Halewood site and their fight for standard bonus rates and working conditions has been a big shock to Fords' bosses.

When they took the decision to build on Merseyside with the assistance of a government subsidy, they obviously calculated on having at their disposal a docile labour force demoralised by long periods ot unemployment and intimidated by the lengthening queues of jobless workers.

With the first factory nearing completion, Hennessy is afraid that he has badly miscalculated and that Merseyside workers will resist the "speed-up', "no tea break', anti-union measures which Fords intend to carry through once production starts.

In attacking unofficial strikes and communists, Hennessy is once again appealing to the 'responsible' trade union leaders, to help back page, col. 1 The bye-elections go on rolling

spagerwo PAri economy is so unlikely that unwanted men are being sacked.

Those left with jobs are to work harder and produce explains why This is why we are in many TIGURES publi ways entering a new phase as far as labour is concerned. Even if week show that unemploy- the Tories do manage to expand ment soared during the period the economy through lower infrom mid-October to November terest rates, easier credit, and so on, this does not mean that by over 43,000 to total of nearly 550,000. employment will has grow, as it done in the past.

This is the highest Production may well incI 22 years. and unemployment remain = of seasonal fluctua- same or even rise. tions unemployment at this The latest figures show the time the year, the number growing seriousness : 0 f the witho jobs will almost cer- employment situation in tainly rise 600,000 by the North-west, North the and New Year. It is clear that land.

the economy. made no serious Maudling's little Budget' Unemployment rose has 'declin: cotton This and shipbuilding. ng' industries, not: is the area of DECLINING foreign policy. These articles will deal apparatus' carrying out and helplessness when it comes demned the In this which isolated the connection he con- those decisions.' 'bureaucratic control regions, but especially so in the unemployment stands at North (including Tyneside) • where 62,000, growing in the Midlands South-east. Again this But unemployment 11. 11 - - 1 is and the is the MOL 41. - of party from Impulea, was que to tne the individual' initiated the masses. This, he - 1..- 4 - 11- 6---14 Scotland where 93,000 are out of the figure stands at 88,000. work and the North-west where result of the increased producti- vity mentioned above, and the 'tight' position of many employers the lifetime of Stalin. The remarkable thing about 'prosperous' Midlands and It should also be noted that in cars and light engineering. this report was that it failed to reveal the wages and incomes of The other reason for the the working class, the South-east recorded a rise in number of jobless. There growth of unemployment and technicians and other now 70,000 out of work in short in these previously HE stress laid on the of the bureaucracy. Midlands where the rate of boom areas has been the move- Central which would be give n to The stagnation of labour proemployment is now very ment of in lustry to low duction of consumer ductivity indicates quite clearly the national average. areas such as Scotland, Party This stress arose out of the that there is resistance on the part Another indication of the wor- North-east and Northern Soviet Union, which considerable pressure upon the of the working class who are now jobs: sening position of labour is the fall in job vacancies. There are only about 160,000 unfilled This represents a fall of land. Fords and BMC to these areas, Vauxhall have just announced Following • the movement of crisis not discuss the over Cuba, on November rece nt 19, did and peasantry who were tire the shortages and scarcities. bureaucracy by the working The report revealed that ass of inclined to behave with indiffer- ence coming into conflict with bureaucracy and are, therefore, towards their responsibilities the La £4 million plant extension to for the implementation of the about 14,000 with little doubt it increase over the four years October. their existing factory Elles- at less in this fir eld: 34 per cent plan mere Port, Cheshire.

SEVERE This will bring the in the plan. against the 33 cent spoken The position is especially investment in this del The Despite his previous promise, the unemployment situation: un- for unskilled workers where very few unfilled jobs are to be found. A new element is apparent in to solve the problems of unem- ployment but the transfer of Not only have the moves to £26 million. lengthy report on economic development, dealing with the period covering the operation of secondary to the priority develop- ment of heavy industry and the Khrushchev admitted that the output of consumer goods was the discontent of the working class from the bureaucracy in a number has, in fact, wrested wage increases is reasonable assume that employment is rising steeply against a background of rising industry away from the Midlands and the South has meant greater the seven-year plan (1959-1965). This report, perhaps of products. of industries. At the same time as he national production. unemployment in these regions than any other since the death the question of wages In the past, once production has also, giving the monopolists more of Stalin, revealed intensifi- salaries when speaking of prostarted to expand, unemployment has fallen after a lag of a few months. But this is not happen- ing in the present situation. power to institute speed-ups, cut wages and to dismiss militants. weather mean more unemploy- Not only will the hard winter the worki cation of between the bure: the crisis relations and additional the He war measures to of consumer 'We accelerate goods.' take the need for more incentives for the collective farmers. duction, Khrushchev spoke about 'A series of measures', he said, Since unemployment began to ment but the hundreds of school- the 'had been adopted to increase the material incentives of the farmers, rise in June of last year leavers who will enter the labour and above all to raise the purchase reached all-time high duction has risen steadily and in problem. market will add the only to open ng grown 1959. price of meat and certain other September. Khru declared hchev This was frankly admitted products. As a result, collective How do we explain main targets of the by Khrushchev when he said farmers would be getting an The basic reason is that we are entering a new plan were being surpassed. that the targets for the rise additiona 1,200,000,000 roubles ductivity (i.e., production per in relation to unemployment Industrial products have in- of labour productivity in in- year.' man) has been rising throughout new methods of struggle will creased between 1959 and 1962 dustry, construction this period. to be devised. by 45 ainst agriculture, set by the a spurt in investment which is About 3 years ago there was the monopolists to It will be useless to call upon bring their target per the reached. year plan, not price of meat is definitely going In other words, although the now beginning to show its return from the point of view of the capitalists. With newer and Merseyside. has continued to factories to areas Unemployment soar in these like Scotland had increased The output of by capital per gone up in certain fields, labour productivity remains stagnant. Although overall production up, there is no indication that wages are following suit During his report Khrushchev and more up-to-date machinery areas despite such moves. as against the out- He drew attention to some spoke a number of times about in many branches of the eco- Nor will a call to the Tories lined in the general target. workers 'who willingly welcome bureaucracy and its evil effects nomy output can be expanded to expand the economy be in When the seven-year plan decisions which have been taken, in the administration of industry.

without any additions to the any way adequate. They will into ration 1959, but who display irresponsibility There is little dor but the labour force. only do this if they feel that their class will benefit.

PROBLEMS Too much expansion at But money sunk into these will mean rising costs and wages machines has got to show a for the employers, this will lead return. As an example of the to a further loss of export markets problems faced by the mono- and a familiar balance of right-wing force, polists at this time we can take ments crisis. ageing can press ahead the case of the British Motor . In any case, as we have said, solidly based on support with measures to hamstring the Corporation: * an expansion of production may for de Gaulle and for the working class organisations, place • During the last financial year lead to no expansion in jobs in policies of 'the strong state' for par ies see de Gaull and his regime on a more secure their total profits fell from over the next period. which he stands, is the most his followers the only force which footing and pave the for a way £l5 million to about £10 million The solution to the gravest evident result of French can provide them with the quiet smooth take-over by desig- his while total: turnover remained ever made to the labour elections. life for which they crave. nated successor-once clear about the same, at roughly £33 million. figures is simple the profit made on each car fell considerably during the year as the competi- The explanation these for in recent months. long-term movement consistently be met by of this country must both the short- and in THE NEWSLETTER measures outlined towards replacing the traditi public has taken a decisive parties of French capitalism. The the New It is a party based on the Union step ›nal Re- a new active type. being a mass party of the Nazi party Of course, the UNR is far from membership. It is still the movement of machine without large layer of local 'notables', a confidence it now gives to the class electorate the respect and able to command from the middle who that is to be. General, the whole political struc- Unless someone be found speeding up production can markets hotted up. tion in the European and Ameri- So the employers, sharing week, a The demands for on overtime, work- unity of employed the 40-hour leadership principle, made up of resolute in their determination to many men new to politics but keep the working class in its majority support in the country. cannot command anything like Unlike de Gaulle himself it the Fourth Republic in May 1958. ture will come to a halt as did For such an eventuality a party sacking militants, are also and un employed are not just place and endow France with the It is possible, however, that as the like the UNR could become an ding any 'excess' labour. splendid paper den kind of political institutions which social crisis sharpens it could indispensable instrument of French In the past the monopolists They are the realistic they believe can safeguard their provide the basis for a strengthen- capital-not as a parliamentary have been willing to 'carry' some the own wealth and influence. ing of the dictatorship. party but as a shock force against labour in anticipation of a with a rubber-stamp the working and its organisations. duction boom, but they do his bidding, the

r 1, 1962

and helplessness when it comes parasitic role of this bureau- of the party into carrying out those decisions.' cracy is now gravely en- administrators.

In this connection he con- dangering the Soviet economy. One would be responsible for demned the 'bureaucratic control The slow rate of increase in inuustry the other for agriapparatus' which isolated the the production of these goods culture. party from the masses. This, he must be considered alongside Whilst these would be responsImpulea, was due to the 1 - 11. - 6- _11 OI the increased proportion of ible for the production in the the individual' initiated these goods which must have regions, they would be strictly the lifetime of Stalin. gone to the bureaucracy who accountable to the party and the "The remarkable thing about enjoy incomes far in excess of central state apparatus. this report was that it failed to Soviet worker. Khrushchev is here obviously reveal the wages and incomes of The lack of ideas and bureau- anxious about trends which exist the working class, the in the bureaucracy that look cratic behaviour of these ruling technicians and other parasites can be seen from the towards the incentive methods of stress laid on the of the bureaucracy. fact that they not only consume capitalism as a means for inCentral which would be given to The stagnation of labour pro- the lion's share of consumer goods creasing production. duction of consumer goods. ductivity indicates quite clearly but in a country where capital By keeping control strictly in the Communist This stress arose out of the that there is resistance on the part investment has increased, labour the hands of the party he hc ›pes Soviet Union, considerable pressure upon the of the working class who are productivity has declined because to be able to check tenon November 19, did bureaucracy by the working c ass coming into conflict with the of hostility to their administration. dencies. and peasantry who were tired of bureaucracy and are, therefore, Where an increase of capital not discuss the the shortages and scarcities. inclined to behave with indiffer- investment has taken place in crisis over Cuba, ence towards their responsibilities capitalist countries, the tendency the same time forced little doubt it less in this field: 34 per cent increase over the four years The report revealed that the for plan the implementation of the crease, in contrast to the USSR. has been for productivity to in- not only into giving concessions to the collective farmers but in against the 33 cent spoken The problem before Khrushchev industry he talks about the need in the plan. is how he can continue to protect to establish a comparison of the The committee Despite his previous promise, the rule of the bureaucracy by growth of different industries lengthy report on economic development, dealing with the secondary to the priority develop- Khrushchev admitted that the output of consumer goods was the discontent of the working has, in fact, wrested wage increases is reasonable assume class that less violent means than Stalin. the great need to return to the In his speech he talked about such profit, of course, must not through a system of profit making. He qualifies this by saying that the seven-year plan (1959-1965). period covering the operation of This report, perhaps more ment of heavy industry and the of products. from the bureaucracy in a number of industries. At the same time as he avoided not to outline what policies policies of Lenin, but he took care be considered the same in capitalist society. This is, of course, true insofar as than any other since the death the question of wages and were. as the bureaucracy cannot transcation of the worki of Stalin, between the bure: and the crisis relations revealed intensifi- an additional measures to the output of consumer He warned, 'We salaries when speaking of pro- duction, Khrushchev spoke about the collective farmers. the need for more incentives for 'A series of measures, he said, cratic principles of the manage- The time has come,' extend and deepen the demo- form itself into a capitalist class. by urging profit comparisons be- tween industries it is What is revealed, however, is that proposed dissatisfaction people has, 'had been adopted to increase the material incentives of the farmers, ment of enterprises.' 'We must,' he declared, 'set industries should more than at present. that the working class be exploited in these and above all to raise the purchase up broadly representative bodies grown much greater open ng the report, 1959. price of meat and certain other at industrial enterprises and con- In oíher words, Khru declared hchev that the This was frankly admitted products. As a result, collective struction sites, and, at large enter- reorganisation envisages an Industrial products main targets of the plan were being seven-year surpassed. have in- that the targets for the rise of labour productivity in in- by Khrushchev when he said additiona 1,200,000,000 roubles farmers would be getting an year.' meeting force.' prises, mittees shop production eiected at a of the entire general labour com- intensified exploitation of the labour productivity. workers as the only way to overcome the stagnation of creased between 1959 by 45 cent as and 1962 ainst agriculture, set by the dustry, construction year plan, were not and sise that 'the director' of the shop But he then goes on to empha- crisis in Soviet economy Here is the real nub 39 per envisaged the reached. In other words, although the 'should take all decisions on his bureaucracy are acting target figures. price of meat is definitely going own and be entirely responsible and more as a powerful as against the per had increased The output of by capital per rods cent gone up in certain fields, labour productivity remains stagnant. Although overall production up, there is no indication that wages are following suit During his report Khrushchev committee should be consulta- his enterprise. The production to the state for the situation at industrial production cent He drew attention to some spoke a number of times about tive body'. lined in the general target. workers 'who willingly welcome bureaucracy and its evil effects Khrushchev's reference Lenin When the seven-year plan decisions which have been taken, in the administration of industry. was just as fraudulent those Khrus. is forced by into operation 1959, but who display irresponsibility There is little dot bt but the references made on occasion by in by ing-class pressure to open up limited relations between the Stalin. workers and the bureaucracy. At the same time nothing is resolved and the cost of living is bound to increase, particularly farm for has nothing in common with produce. the decree made in November NEW right-wing force, 1917 and later abolished by Stalin The Soviet working class come solidly based on support ageing can press ahead with measures to hamstring the means of production the which transferred control of the the bureaucracy and this explains more and more into conflict with for de Gaulle and for the working class organisations, place working class. the desperation of Khrushchev policies of 'the strong state for par ies see de and his regime on a more secure for peaceful co-existence with the which evident he result of th stands, is the most French can his followers the only force provide them with the which quiet footing and pave the for a smooth take-over by desig- way his his bureaucracy, the scheme Khrush- imperialists. He hopes by such co-existence elections. public has taken a decisive step The Union the New Re- being a mass party of the Nazi life Of course, the UNR is far from for which they crave. nated successor-once clear who that is to be. Unless someone found be working on the to the say •will rest not with director respons- class on the job state and party and producing badly needed con- to be able to reduce the massive military expenditure and utilise at least some of it for purchasing towards replacing the traditional type. It is still the movement of able to command from middle the aucracy — a member, in sumer goods to satisfy the masses. parties of French capitalism. party machine without large layer of local 'notables', a confidence it now gives to the class electorate the respect and of the bureaucracy! This is the background to the It is a party based on the active membership. General, the whole political struc- To implement this policy, developments in the Caribbean leadership principle, made up of many men new to politics but Unlike de Gaulle himself it ture will come to a halt as did Khrushchev proposes the division over the past few weeks.

the Fourth Republic in May 1958. resolute in their determination to cannot command anything like keep the working class in its majority support in the country. For such an eventuality a party place and endow France with the It is possible, however, that as the like the UNR could become an kind of political institutions which social crisis sharpens it could indispensable instrument of French they believe can safeguard their provide the basis for a strengthen- capital—not as a parliamentary own wealth and influence. ing of the dictatorship. party but as a shock force against swept along with a rubber-stamp the working and its organisupporters do his bidding, the sations.

=1962 th·

ICATIONS i London, force the worker on the factory floor.

Will this tendency continue, or is it a once-and-for-all guillotine operation?

'Having established the scope and importance of cost-cutting in industry, the question remains operation.

So substantial has been the capital investment of a few years back that orders for new machinery are declining. (Only 4 per cent of the respondents to The Director's enquiry expect to reduce costs by means of new

ge ou

parasitic role of this bureaucracy is now gravely endangering the Soviet economy.

The slow rate of increase in the production of these goods must be considered alongside the increased proportion of these goods which must have gone to the bureaucracy who enjoy incomes far in excess of Soviet worker.

The lack of ideas and bureaucratic behaviour of these ruling parasites can be seen from the fact that they not only consume the lion's share of consumer goods but in a country where capital investment has increased, labour productivity has declined because of hostility to their administration.

Where an increase of capital investment has taken place in capitalist countries, the tendency has been for productivity to increase, in contrast to the USSR.

The problem before Khrushchev is how he can continue to protect the rule of the bureaucracy by less violent means than Stalin.

In his speech he talked about the great need to return to the policies of Lenin, but he took care not to outline what these policies were.

The time has come,' he said, *to extend and deepen the democratic principles of the management of enterprises.' ' We must,' he declared, "set up broadly representative bodies at industrial enterprises and construction sites, and, at large enterprises, shop production committees eiected at a general meeting of the entire labour force' But he then goes on to emphasise that 'the director' of the shop 'should take all decisions on his own and be entirely responsible to the state for the situation at his enterprise. The production committee should be a consultative body'.

Khrushchev's referel ice to Lenin was just as fraudule nt as those references made on occasion by Stalin.

It has nothing in common with the decree made in November 1917 and later abolished by Stalin which transferred control of the means of production to the working class.

In the scheme of Khrushchey and his bureaucracy, the final say will rest not with the working class on the job but on the director responsible to the state and party bureaucracy — a member, in fact, of the bureaucracy!

To implement this policy, brushchev proposes the division of the party into two groups of administrators.

One would be responsible for industry and the other for agriculture.

Whilst these would be responsible for the production in the regions, they would be strictly accountable to the party and the central state apparatus.

Khrushchev is here obviously anxious about trends which exist in the bureaucracy that look towards the incentive methods of capitalism as a means for increasing production.

By keeping control strictly in the hands of the party, he hopes to be able to check such tendencies.

At the same time he is forced not only into giving concessions to the collective farmers but in industry he talks about the need to establish a comparison of the growth of different industries through a system of profit making.

He qualifies this by saying that such profit, of course, must not be considered the same as in capitalist society.

This is, of course, true insofar as the bureaucracy cannot transform itself into a capitalist class. What is revealed, however, is that by urging profit comparisons between industries it is proposed that the working class in these industries should be exploited more than at present.

In other words, this new reorganisation envisages an intensified exploitation of the workers as the only way to overcome the stagnation of labour productivity.

Here is the real nub of the crisis in Soviet economy. The bureaucracy are acting more and more as a powerful fetter on industrial production.

Khrushchev is forced by working-class pressure to open up limited relations between the workers and the bureaucracy. At the same time nothing is resolved and the cost of living is bound to increase, particularly for farm produce.

The Soviet working class come more and more into conflict with the bureaucracy and this explains the desperation of Khrushchev for peaceful co-existence with the imperialists.

He hopes by such co-existence to be able to reduce the massive military expenditure and utilise at least some of it for purchasing and producing badly needed consumer goods to satisfy the masses.

This is the background to the developments in the Caribbean over the past few weeks. THE following are extracts from a note to the Indian Embassy from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, dated October 6, 1962.

'In its notes to the Indian Government dated September 16, 20, 21 and 25, 1962, the Chinese Government has given clear and detailed accounts of how Indian troops intruded into Che Dong, north of the so-called McMahon Line, established an aggressive strongpoint, attacked Chinese frontier guards and created incidents of bloodshed there.

In the past few days, the Indian troops have again expanded the scope of their encroachment and set up three more aggressive strongpoints in the Che Dong area, one at Chekuopu, east of Che Dong and west of the Che-jao bridge, another at Jungputiu, southwest of Che Dong, and the third at Kalung, west by north of Che Dong.

What is even more serious, the Indian troops have become increasingly unbridled in their armed provocations. Against this, the Chinese Government has repeatedly lodged the most serious protests with the Indian Government.

The Chinese Government now demands once again that the Indian side immediately stop its armed attacks on the Chinese frontier guards and withdraw from China's Che Dong area....

The Indian Government asserts that Che Dong is to the south of the illegal McMahon Line and is Indian territory. This is wholly incompatible with the actual situation.

" Treacherous'

The so-called McMahon Line was treacherously concocted in 1914 by Britain for the purpose of aggression against China's Tibet It is illegal and null and void and has never been recognized by any Chinese government. But according to the original 1914 map of the "McMahon Line" , this Line extends eastward from approximately 27° 44.6'N, 91°39.7'E, while Che Dong is situated at 27°46.5'N, 91°42'E, The Director, that illuminating magazine published by the Institute of Directors, contains an important article in the current month's issue which has some relevance to our understanding the reason for the continually increasing number of unemployed.

80 large companies were approached by the editor of The Director for information about their cost-cutting plans, and replies were received from the majority of them.

The purpose of the enquiry was to establish how and where the reduction of costs was to occur. One question asked was: 'Which sector of the company is the main target for economy measures: Sales, Production, Clerical, Publicity, Welfare, etc.? ' Nearly three-quarters of the replies stated that production was to be the main target for economy.

In everyday parlance that means a reduction in the direct labour

N August 4, 1914, the Parliamentary fraction of the Social Democratic Party of Germany decided, by a large majority, to vote the war credits demanded by the Kaiser's government.

It thus set the tone for almost all the other parties of the Second International which, forgetting the solemn resolutions against war voted at their international gatherings, became suppurts for their governments and recruiting sergeants for the bloody slaughter of the First World War.

This policy, dubbed by Lenin 'social patriotism', subsequently became second nature to all fake socialists of the Left as well as of the Right. Every time the ruling class of their own country has been in danger they move towards it.

In support for the 'Atlantic Alliance' this now exists as a and so obviously north of the Line.

In the map ' India and Adjacent Countries' published by the Survey of India in 1959, the so-called McMahon Line has already been shifted further north, yet the Che Dong area is still north of the Line as delineated in this map. ...

It is precisely the Indian side that has intruded to the north of the illegal McMahon Line and created incidents of bloodshed in the Che Dong area.

' Indignation'

The Chinese Government expresses its extreme regret and indignation over the Indian Government's practice of wilfully distorting facts and calling black white in its notes.

It is absolutely futile for the Indian Government to try in this way to absolve itself of the guilt of expanding its aggression and killing and wounding Chinese frontier guards.' Izvestia yesterday attacked Albania, stating that the 'socialist realisations in that country are threatened by the adventurist policy of its leaders. whether this is likely to continue. Here the answer is clearly that cost-cutting has become, over the last year or two, a permanent key feature of directors' functions,' writes The Director's contributor.

This cost reduction campaign is taking place at a time when production is on the increase-the September figures were an all-time record. Modern plant installed at the time of the last bo ›m is contributing to this increa e, yet less labour is required for its an ally permanent part of policy in Western European social demoMeanwhile, the Communist parties, in their own way, and to the extent permitted by the needs of the Soviet bureaucracy, moved towards a similar position.

A war was no longer appraised by reference to the class forces in the two camps. The Communist parties were only too happy to support the wars carried on by their 'own' government-as long as it suited the needs of the Kremlin.

The Indian Communist Party even supported Britain's entry into the war- though the nationalist movement continued to oppose it, at least formally.

LONG TRADITION

When Tribune devotes its front page to applauding the action of the Indian CP in supporting Nehru's Himalayan war with the Chinese People's Republic, its emotional outburst arises from deep sympathy and an unconscious regard for a long tradition - a tradition established by the Second International in 1914.

Tribune can quite understand why the Indian CP should see this war through the same lens as the Indian bourgeoisie. It reveals that it, too, does not look at the question of war and peace in class terms.

It recognises its kinship with Joshi's party because it will also support its own bourgeoisie in such a crisis.

Nehru, in any case, is a man after their own heart: 'socialist' in words but in practice a good friend and faithful ally of 'the West'.

POUR SCORN

Of course that does not mean that Tribune may not, in the future, write approvingly of China, including those features of Mao's rule which are most deformed, and will pour scorn on those who pursue a consistent Marxist policy in respect both to bourgeois India and to the degenerated and deformed workers' states.

At least the Tribune boys consistent in their worship of accomplished fact. investment.)

These then are the ingredients of the present economic situation: increasing productive capacity, yet static demand; growing unemployment, yet declining new capital investment.

The buttress against unemployment and economic depression of former post-war years, in the shape of a strong capital goods demand, is absent-though Maudling's measures may temporarily remedy the situation.

Not so long ago the Croslands of this world were telling us that the tough thirties were gone for ever.

But with world surplus capacity in many major industries, the the classic contradictions of capitalism are once more to the fore.

The capitalists may try to solve their problems by cutting costs and by throwing more and more of us on the scrap heap; but these perpetual economic crises will only be solved by reversing that process.

From BOB SHAW, Our Scottish I HE strike of 4,000 workers at the Linwood, Paisley factory of Pressed Steel to prevent the sacking of 70 men marks a new stage in the fight against sackings. This factory is vital to the operation of the British Motor Corporation, which produces commercial vehicles at Bathgate, 30 miles away. Pressed Steel will also provide car bodies for the nearby Rootes factory now being completed, which will start its output of small cars some time in the spring of 1963.

A lot is at stake at Linwood. Wage rates are £7 to f8 per week less than those paid in Oxford and other parts of England by Pressed Steel.

This means the slashing of production costs to capture a large slice of the European market for the Rootes car. As a result, skirmishing over wage rates has gone on at the Pressed Steel factory for the last year.

The strike last week took place when the management openly stated that they intended to cut costs by sacking time-wage workers and that 70 men would have to go.

STEWARDS FOUGHT The shop stewards said they would fight against any sackings which would only add to the unemployment problem in the area. They countered with a proposal for a 40-hour week, even if this had to be with loss of pay.

This was flatly refused by the management.

The Pressed Steel workers were backed by the Paisley District Committee of the AEU which includes the convenors of such factories as Rolls-Royce, Remington Rand and Hillington, where sackings have also either taken place or been notified.

They anxiously wait to see whether the Pressed Steel men can

Correspondent

accomplish what they have been unable to do-prevent sackings. The Pressed Steel shop stewards were also in touch with the anemployed in Paisley where there are more than 2,000 signing on at the Labour Exchange.

After two days the management were forced to retreat.

They contacted trade union officials and asked for a resumption of work pending negotiations. The sackings were to be postponed in the meantime for two weeks.

The Pressed Steel strike follows action by other sections of workers in Scotland against unemployment. The victories of Scottish builders and plumbers for the 40-hour week are of major importance.

The employers on the Clyde are amongst the hardest and most ruthless exploiters of labour to be found anywhere.

They cannot be softened by sentiment and they have the police to deal with any pressure which is confined to street demonstrations. Long unemployment is a terrible experience. In Glasgow the frustration of bad housing adds to the problem. A carefully thoughtout strategy to fight against this is needed which will start with those successes now being won at Pressed Steel.

From this a beginning can be made in rebuilding the militant leadership on the Clyde. The employers can then be engaged in battle.

him discipline the 'trouble-makers' as they did at Dagenham.

The Labour fakers like Alderman John Braddock, should be disowned by Merseyside workers.

They should ask him to explain his statement, 'Not all the troublemakers should be described as communists. They are dedicated revolutionaries who want an end to the capitalist system.' He and all those like him who have been piously pleading for the unemployed in the Northwest, shedding crocodile tears over their plight and asking the monopolists to build new factories must be exposed.

It is clear that Braddock cannot lead any struggle for socialism since he is in favour of retaining capitalist system in Britain.

Isn't it Tory policy, on behalf of British capitalism, that has created 550,000 unemployed?

Doesn't Hennessy talk as one of the most arrogant leaders of the British employers when he declares 'I regard the constant procession of unofficial disputes as the biggest challenge and the most serious threat facing the nation at home'?

The unemployed and Fords' workers on Merseyside should close their ranks in preparation for the showdown Fords are planning.

By rejecting the Hennessy and the advice of all those 'leaders' like Braddock they can give a lead to the whole motor industry and greatly encourage the shop stewards at Dagenham who have still a long fight in front of them.

The labour movement must slap the label of 'trouble-makers' on to Sir Patrick Hennessy and the British employing class and resolve to fight them and their policies of wage freeze, victimisation, speedup and sackings.

The 37,000 unemployed in the North-west must make it clear that they will not allow industrialists to come to Merseyside and use them as cheap docile labour.

In this will secure the backing of labour movement. 1 p.m. Wednesday, it was decided to invite the Lord Mayor of Liverpool, Sir Patrick Hennessy, all the local trade union leaders, site shop stewards and the press to conduct an enquiry into the truth of Fords' allegations.

The meeting was chaired by site steward, Jimmy Dill. He stressed that questions would be allowed and discussion from the floor. Turner of the Confederation and McGree of the NFBTO addressed the meeting. No questions were asked or allowed. This caused dissent from the floor, as many wanted to ask John Braddock of the Trades Council what he meant by saying he agreed in principle with Hennessy.

The trade union leaders who spoke stressed how good Merseyside workers were, creating the impression that the dispute was all a big misunderstanding.

Industrial dewstetter By THOUSAND delegates attended the last in a series of A : obs for Scotland conferences held by the General Council of the Scottish TUC over the past four months. The conference consisted of four boring speeches from the platform from full-time officials (Lauder, NUR; Connor, AEU; Scholes, TGWU; and Middleton, Secretary of the STUC). There was not an ounce of fight between them and only 11 delegates were called in discussion.

The main line of the speakers was to compel capitalism, via the Secretary of State for Scotland and the Tory government, to solve the problems of the workers by directing industry to Scotland.

The conference was so dull that a constant stream of delegates left the hall; a quarter had left before the conclusion.

At least four Communist Party members were selected to speak in the discussion. If anyone expected from them a call to unite the unions in a struggle for the 40-hour week and a ban on overtime as a means to unite the unemployed with the unions, then they were sadly disappointed.

INDISTINGUISHABLE Their speeches were almost indistinguishable from those of the right-wing union leaders.

Finlay Hart, a CP member and boilermakers' shop steward, called for a lobby of parliament to 'compel' capitalism to direct industry.

The platform claimed that the 'Jobs for Scotland' campaign has been a success. But there is no evidence anywhere to show that the employers are in the least concerned about these conferences, which have utterly failed to mobilise the working class for a struggle.

FRIENDLY The capitalist press gave the conferences a most friendly writeup. This is hardly surprising, for the whole purpose of the trade union leadership is to shackle the power of the unions by subordinating them to lobbies of parliament and appeals to the Tories to help the labour movement.

Recently in Scotland, the timid leadership of the building trades unions were forced to take action to obtain the 40-hour week.

This should have provided the leaders of the STUC (including Our Glasgow Correspondent the 'Left' CP leaders) with an opportunity to openly call for all unions to join the building workers and so present a united front against the employers for shorter hours.

But all these gentlemen cower behind constitutionalism and negotiation procedures with the ruling class and are afraid to unleash the might of the working class to challenge capitalism.

The people in powerful positions in the unions won't lead.

INDEPENDENT

The responsibility rests with the rank and file of all the unions to build up their independent committees of action within the unions and workshops, to develop the fight for the 40-hour week and a ban on overtime.

Labour-controlled councils must be forced to launch schemes of public works and to use for this purpose some of the enormous sums of money paid in regularly in loan interests to capitalist sharks.

NO COLLABORATION The Parliamentary Labour group must be swung away from collaboration with the Tories towards the working class—-towards leading demonstrations in all the major cities of the combined workers' movements for a general election.

Such a movement generated by the rank and file would soon reveal for all to see where the Gaitskellites, Carrons and Byrnes really stand, and would assist in the shaping of genuine socialist action policies which would clearly appeal to the unemployed.

STILL 'NO' TO ROBERTS The Labour Party NEC, meeting on Wednesday, rejected a request from Horsham CLP to reconsider the position of Mr. Ernie Roberts whose candidature the NEC have rejected.

AT a meeting at Halewood, at

THE Southwark Borough Council in South London, which is 100 per cent Labour, has finally replied to the tenants of Blendon Row, Southwark, who are demanding to be rehoused.

They gave this reply not to the tenants direct but to the local paper, which printed it under the heading 'Why vociferous tenants of Blendon Row are not so badly off'.

The tenants, say the council, cannot take priority over others who have been on the housing list for a number of years.

There are people living in even worse conditions, they state, and even if they did demolish the buildings there would not be sufficient space on the site to rehouse everyone.

Mr. R. Lake, secretary of the tenants' committee commented: 'They say we aren't so badly off. We try to keep our places nice, but no amount of paint stops the bugs from coming back every summer.' Said another tenant, 'I wish we couid get some of these councillors to live here for a few days. They'd run out screaming?

The Borough Council claim that it would cost them about £120,000 to take over the buildings They say the landlords have agreed to make certain improvements so the Council will not proceed with action against them.

They really believe that the landlords are prepared to spend the sums required to make these places habitable.

Tenants should demand to know from the Borough Council: what loans they are repaying and at what rate of interest; if the existing site is not big enough why they can't acquire the large bombed-site at the back of Blendon Row; how many houses are standing empty in Southwark because of the high prices at which they are being offered for sale?

The tenants are not satisfied with the reply of the council. They intend to hold a meeting to discuss proposals for further action, including an offer from the Southwark Trades Council to help them organise a meeting of representatives of the trade unions, Labour Party and tenants in die area.

PUBLIC MEETINGS Falkirk MARXISM AND THE TRADE UNIONS Speaker:

(National Secretary, Socialist Labour League) lay, December 9, 2.30 p.m. it Hall, 11 Calander Riggs, Falkirk (at bus station)

Glasgow OCIALIST POLICY TO EAT UNEMPLOYMEN] Speaker:

G. HEALY (National Secretary, Socialist Labour League)

nday, December 9, 7.30 p.m.

Woodside Hall, Clarendon Street, St. Georges Cross, Glasgow Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper Published by The Newsletter. 186A Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4