It's blackmail not fear

French Communist Party propose new rules;

pave way for joint action with Mollet Labour position.

Surely one of the main reasons behind the policy of re-nationalization is that the Party is completely satisfied that such a step is necessary. For Wilson to talk about an inquiry now is to suggest that the Party did not know what it was doing when 'it made its decision on steel. time they were intended to be revolutionary parties on the Bolshevik model.

To be a party member meant to accept definite obligations as part of an international working class movement.

Under Stalin, although the content of the party changed and leadership fell into the hands of men totally committed to Stalin's methods, many who joined the party still felt that they were joining a revolutionary movement.

Reality

Since 1945, and especially since the CP leaders have gone over to unconditional support for Khrushchev, the need has been felt to bring words into line with reality. No doubt only the need to retain the confidence of the most militant sections of the working class have prevented a fundamental re-wording of the rules.

The changes have begun, starting with the basic condition of party membership. A small alteration in wording, similar to that which began the division between the Mensheviks and the Bolsheviks, has now been made.

The member now undertakes to accept its programme and its The Labour leaders are in full-scale retreat before the Steel Company of Wales. If they cannot take a stand against the steel masters now, how will they be able to tackle the City of London on the question of profits.

For Labour to retreat today on its policy is to run away tomorrow when it is the government. statutes, to belong to one of its basic units in which he takes an active part and to regularly pay his dues'. • Previously he 'undertook to take an active part ("militer activement").

A specific undertaking is presumably no longer required. In the small change in wording, accommodation is made for those who take only a slight part in the work of the party.

In the programmatic preamble to the rules, emphasis is laid on the 'national' character of the party and its adherence to a 'French Road to Socialism' The formulae used are intended to leave no doubt that the French party faithfully follows the Khrushchev line and has no truck with the sort of phrase which might cause anyone to think it had any connection with the Chinese.

Incestuous

At the same time, the emphasis on the 'national' character of the party and talk about 'the security of France' are intended to clear the way for the incestuous relations with the Socialist Party which are now in view.

The changed rules recognise more fully than before the non-revolutionary character of the Wilson: retreat before SCOW leadership within the Labour Party and trade unions pledged to take over all the major industries. Such a leadership must prepare the working class to meet the capitalist attack which will inevitably follow such an action.

This is the of the task Socialist Labour League French Communist Party. At the same time, it brings it closer to the needs not of the French working class but of the labour bureaucracy, of which the party officials form a constituent part.

Many militant workers have long since ceased to look to the Communist Party to lead their struggles. But still more continue to support the party, if only at elections, because they see no alternative.

Concessions

The question is whether the new rules will at last open the eyes of those who still see the party through the glow of the Russian Revolution and regard its opportunist twists and turns as merely tactical concessions on the way to the overthrow of capitalism.

No doubt the party leaders are counting on being able to put over the changes without serious opposition in view of the nearness of the presidential election and the attractive pulling-power of 'working-class unity.

Nevertheless, a new opportunity is offered to break some of the best communist supporters from the Thorez 'leadership'.