The Newsletter, vol. 8 no. 339

By our Industrial Correspondent • power workers are RITAIN'S 130,000 heading for a sell-out if the electricity supply chiefs, the Minister of Labour, Mr. David Godber, and union representatives who met on Wednesday begin negotiations behind their backs.

The meeting was promoted by the Trades Union Congress general purposes committee, whose members include George Woodcock, general secretary, Victor Feather, assistant secretary, Fred Hayday, Sir William Carron, Frank Cousins and Robert Willis.

Last week negotiations between five unions and the power bosses broke down at a national joint council and on Monday the threatened go-slow and work-to-rule was enforced in the country's 240 power stations.

Overtime

The Newsletter has pointed out for the last few weeks that power workers are poorly paid and have to work many hours overtime to make up a living wage some work 12 hours a day, seven days a week.

Overtime is essential to mair in two-thirds of the supply t dustry and a third to domesti Woodcock: arranged meeting consumers. Some workers claim there are too few stations to provide this necessary power.

The deliberate policy of the Tories is to provide a certain output of power on the basis of sweating these workers to the maximum while keeping investment down to the minimum.

Claims

The men are claiming a 40hour week, higher differentials for craftsmen, an extra week's holiday and long-service payments.

But participation by Woodcock, Cousins and other union leaders in the National Economic Development Council and the National • Incomes Commission will bind them to a This gigantic ower station Ferrybridge, Yorkshire,is one of 240 similar stations in Britain that have been hit by the work-to-rule and overtime members of five unions.

eproduced by permission of the Central Electricity Generating Board.

'wage freeze' they will be policy which forced to impose on their members.

Power union leaders, posing as militants in their Council of Action, were quite willing to call the work-to-rule a day after summertime began because they knew there would be no great crisis in the supply-all peak periods between Monday and Wednesday were passed without cuts.

Hound

For leading last year's 'unofficial' work-to-rule in the depth of winter, ETU member, Charles Doyle, was hounded by the press-and union leaders.

This time the press, radio and television are taking the full opportunity to press home that each peak period is only just being passed so as to swing the public against the power workers.

Not too sure about the effects of the workers' action though, the government had troops standing by with mobile generators to send to crisis spots in the event of power cuts.

Denial

Why have the Labour leaders been so silent over this dispute?

When pressed last week a Transport House spokesman admitted that George Brown had met William Tudor but denied that Wilson had told Tudor that disruption of power supplies could damage the party's election prospects.

Still the leaders remain silent while the powermen carry on their struggle against the Tories.

The Labour Party and the whole labour movement should back this action in an all-out effort to bring the Tories tumbling before Home deigns to announce the election date.

British workers want an election now to rid the country of a party which can only muster a one-vote majority on an amendment to Resale Price Maintenance.

What about it Wilson?

GOLLAN PROTEST

GENERAL SECRETARY of the British Communist Party, John Gollan, published a letter in Wednesday's 'Daily Worker' disassociating himself and his party members from an antisemitic cartoon in a book on Judaism, published by the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences.

He has announced that he will write to Soviet communists on the matter.

See story page Transport Turks to RhodesMakarios the far beyond mere partition-President Makarios is now suggesting the wholesale transportation of 100,000 Turkishspeaking Cypriots either to Turkey or Rhodes.

Meanwhile, as the United Nations "peace-keeping' force moves into the island, it becomes increasingly obvious that they can only intensify the crisis.

As in the Congo, the task of the United Nations is to stabilise the situation on behalf of world imperialism.

Far from keeping the peace, the new arrivals will try to maintain the position which gave rise to the present conflict.

Greek-Turkish strife has been stirred up in order to aid British imperialism to hold onto its last Middle East base.

The Makarios plan includes the transfer of the Greek minority living on Rhodes-a Greek island—to either Greece or Cyprus.

The island would then become Turkish once more, while Cyprus would be annexed to Greece.

A demand for Enosis-unity with Greece-has long been the centre of Cypriot action against British domination. But its implications for the Cypriot workers would be disastrous.

Whether open or concealed under the cloak of the United Nations, the needs of imperialism lead to the disintegration of he working class of Cyprus.

I it became a choice of the Labour Party supporting the power workers and postmen in their struggles and losing the election, they should choose the former, said Mike Banda, editor of The Newsletter, speaking in Leeds on Sunday. At a 200-strong public meeting in Leeds Art Gallery Banda problems which faced the worksaid Labour should stand by ing class and the youth in parthe working class no matter ticular such as dead-end jobs, what the consequences would be. unemployment, speed-up, lack He outlined the history of of recreational and educational The Newsletter since its first facilities, bad housing and police issue seven years ago and violence were all products of daonnihad tha muorr in mhinh it dha ancitalint utsinueu me way m wine Il helped the fight of the busmen and printers in 1958 and 1959.

'It was the first paper to warn of the anti-union activities of Edward Martell,' he added.

Of the Profumo affair, Banda said that the paper had helped to expose Rachman and other property racketeers and link this up with the whole corruptness of the ruling class.

Slaughter: 'use struggle and vote 'But the Labour leaders do nothing. They want to have their cake and eat it too. They want socialism and the Royal Horse Guards.

'But the experience of 1945 to 1951 has shown that capitalism cannot be administered by socialists to the benefit of the working class.' "What really confronts us today is this. The whole labour movement must have a plan and a strategy to bring down the Tories and set up a socialist government.

"The main task of leadership in this struggle will fall upon the youth.

'We have to prepare a big fight against the reintroduction of conscription which will be used to decimate the youth movement,' he concluded.

Cliff Slaughter, a leading member of the Socialist Labour League, explained that all the te capitansi system.

The Labour vote will mean that people are considering an alternative to capitalism. But the only future for the working class is to use its struggle against the employers not just its vote?

"The mass redundancies on the railways, together with the big struggles which are developing in the motor car industry, on the docks, in the steel industry and with the post office and power workers make it clear that the capitalists are beginning to wage big attacks against the working class.' Slaughter pointed out that the struggle of workers throughout the world must be linked up in an international war on capitalism.

The workers have nothing in common with their own ruling class and everything in common with the workers of other countries.

alerted

march from Aldermaston by the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament. Instead, there will be marches by two contingents through London on Monday, and various events on Newsletter editor at Leeds meeting says:

'Clear choice for the other three days.

This marks the virtual collapse of ment which was able to attract young Its decline is not due to a lack of rank and file enthusiasm, but the unwillingness of most of its leaders to turn to the labour movement and its fear of embarrassing the Labour Party.

The Newsletter has repeatedly called for this turn and for a militant fight against 'defence' programmes that protect a system which cannot even guarantee the right to work.

Streamline

It is this same system which defends the paradise for slum landlords and property racketeers, an economy which 'streamlines' miners, railwaymen and dockers out of jobs, and which hounds youth from the dole queues into sweat shops then calls on them to throw away their lives in the service of British imperialism.

The H-bomb is a product of capitalism in an epoch of decay and, as such, can only be got rid of by putting an end to capitalism itself.

In its six years existenci the first post-war movepeople in large numbers.

CND has mobilised thousands of people on demonstrations of all kinds.

But it is no nearer to getting rid of the bomb than the day the movement was conceived.

Successive Tory governments have shown they are not open to persuasion by logic and reason. ' The power of prayer has proved inadequate against police dogs. The militarists have remained unmoved by the public flaunting of pacifist consciences.

Bandwagon

Several of the 'left' Labour MPs who eagerly jumped on the Aldermaston bandwagon in 1958 and 1959 have slipped quietly away as the prospect of a Labour government comes nearer.

In a few months' time the Labour leaders will, once again, be in charge of defending Her Majesty's dominions—with the aid of V-bombers.

Wilson has made it quite plain that his only differences with Home on the defence question are purely technical.

Pressure

The Communist Party, too, have 'used' CND to exert 'pressure for summit talks' and other diplomatic gimmicks.

The Socialist Labour League has associated itself with this struggle from its very inception. Under be siogah Stop work on H-Bombs! Stop Work on H-Bomb Bases!' it has striven to mobilise every bit of support in the labour movement against this integral part of imperialism.

It was responsible for carrying this fight right into the Labour Party despite its proscription as an organisation by that body.

From this struggle it has gained considerable strength.

Appeal

We are making a direct appeal to all our readers on the many demonstrations this week to take this opportunity to familiarise themselves with our political policies and join us in the struggle to wrest power from the Tories and destroy once and for all the very cause of war and threat of war. successor

TENSION between Malaysia and Indonesia is still high. On Tuesday Malaysian security forces were alerted in Sarawak after reports that regular Indonesian troops and guerrillas are concentrating near the border of the Serian district.

Mr. Stephen Kalong Ningkan, Chief Minister of Sarawak, who is in Kuala Lumpur for a conference of Malaysian leaders said Indonesian troops had already made attacks in the south of Sarawak.

Indonesian workers took over a British rubber estate on March 18. They have asked for the government to recognise their management of the estate.

Page 28,1964 No equivocation, please, Messrs.

shipyard THE QUEUES are longer this week outside the Employment Exchange in Birkenhead following the sacking last week-end of several hundred workers at the shipbuilding yards of Cammell Lairds.

Local union officials are angry at the attempts being made by the local press to blame the sackings on the 160 members of the Boilermakers' Society, who have been on strike for two weeks for higher wages.

The District Organiser for the Boilermakers' Society told a Newsletter reporter that in fact the strike had had little to do with the employment situation in the shipyards. There bas been a growing number of redundancies for some weeks and the mass redundancy now occurring is only a continuation of that trend.

The strikers are demanding an increase of a shilling an hour on the basic rate. This has been rejected by Cammell Lairds at every stage of the negotiating procedure. They have offered a mere 2d. an hour.

The workers fear that the firm will take this opportunity to reorganise the labour force in the Birkenhead yards before commencing work on several new contracts, which have been on the order books for many months.

Work on these contracts has been unaccountably delayed, with the result that there is no continuity of work between the structural and fitting-out stages.

Cammell Lairds have repeatedly publicised the fact that their order books are fuller than they have been for several years.

These orders include a heavy tonnage bulk carrier, two Cunard boats, an oil tanker for Shell, one conventional submarine and two nuclear-powered Polaris submarines for the Admiralty.

The Polaris submarines alone are estimated to be costing £30,000,000 and have involved the building of a new slipway.

It is significant that the sackings now taking place should occur just at the end of a massive £17,000,000 reconstruction and modernisation programme at the Birkenhead yards which have equipped Cammell Lairds with one of the most modern shipbuilding yards in Europe.

THE FIRST number of a journal of international Marxism is to appear this week.

It will be called 'Fourth International' and will be published by the International Committee of the Fourth International of which the Socialist Labour League is an affiliate.

A prominent feature of the first number is the report to the International Committee, held in September 1963, by Cliff Slaughter.

This conference was preceded by the desertion of the Socialist Workers' Party from the policies of that Committee to the Pablo revisionists.

It examines the roots of revisionism in our movement and its relationship to the class struggle and bourgeois ideology.

The article takes up the degeneration of the Socialist Workers' Party as a leading section of the International Trotskyist movement and subjects the history of its theoretical degeneration to a close analysiswith very revealing results.

It provides the key to an understanding of the degeneration of a section that was once the pride of the International and serves as a warning that a like fate awaits others who take the path of revisionism and unprincipled politics.

Another artiole by Michel Varga is entitled "The Consequences of Peaceful Co-existence' This takes a close look at the sources and later development of Stalinism in international relations.

It relates this, however, to the Leninist attitude to. the -same confrontad - th Stalinists-of pacifism and imperialism.

Another article "Trends in Soviet Literature' by a young French student, Jean Simon, takes up the theme of the struggle of the Soviet writers to break free from the grip of bureaucracy.

This is only the first part of the article. It covers the period of Zhdanov, Stalin's attorney in the field of art; the period of the thaw—that is, the period following the death of Stalin and up to the Hungarian Revolution.

All in all, this bumper number of the 'Fourth International' (52 pages and illustrated) has got off to a good start.

It augurs well for the extension of the work of reconstructing the Fourth International from the existing bases of the parties of the International Committee.

JHE statement of the United secretariat or the (Pabloite-revisionist) Fourth International which rejects the proposals of the International Committee (Fourth International) Conference for a principled unification of the world Trotskyist movement, has once again demonstrated the perfidious and fraudulent nature of Pabloite revisionism.

We must conclude that after a year of desultory talks, evasions and diplomatic manoeuvres the Pabioite Internauonal Secretarat had no interest In claritying poutical principles and tne contenuous programnmatic issues wnich sput the Trotskyist movement for a whoie decade.

Instead, it tried to paper over serious ditterences and consummate a marriage of convenience with the new revisionists inside the International Committee.

This brings to an end a long period of negotiation with the International Secretariat. The history of these negotiations can only be summarised at this stage. It must be stated that throughout this period the International Committee has never been distracted from its primary aim: the unification of the Fourth International on the basis of principled programmatic agreement.

In 1954, immediately atter the split in which a majority of Pablo's supporiers liquidated their sections in the Stalinist movement -the International Committee took the initiative in opening a discussion with the International Secretariat so that the confusion surrounding the split would be dispelled and also the possibilities of a principled unification could be explored. However, the Socialist Workers Party (which although not attiliated for légal reasons to the Fourth International has given political support to its decisions) obstructed this attempt.

Then, in 1957, James Cannonleader of the Socialist Workers Party-without prior discussion with the International Commited, began discussions with the iniernacional Secretariat on the grounds that political differences were fast disappearing and that there was little point in exhuming past differences. Every attempt by the International Committee to criticise the theoretical and political arguments of the International Secretariat was frowned upon by the Socialist Workers Party. In this situation it was impossible to achieve clarity on principles-and 'unity' became a series of organisational manoeuvres.

This action was consonant with the theoretical degeneration of Socialist Workers Party leaders who had begun to abandon many, if not all, of the programmatic positions they held at the time of the split in 1953.

The 'unity' talks finally collapsed because the International Secretariat rejected even the watered - down proposals of Cannon. They wanted total and unconditional capitulation to their programme and organisational methods.

After this salutory experience, Cannon was forced to declare that the Pabloites '. ... conceive of the "International" as the literary and technical apparatus of the International Secretariat, which in practice operates outside all control. This whole conception and practice is incompatible with a living world movement made up of funationing, self-governing, working-class parties and, in reality, operates to prevent the development of such parties.' In February 1962 once again as a result of tentative 'unity' moves by the Socialist Workers Party and the International Secretariat, the Socialist Labour League placed before the International ..Committee the motion:

"The International Committee - to approach the International Secretariat with a view to the setting up of a sub-committee consisting of three members from the International Committee and three from the International Secretariat. The purpose of this committee would be to arrange an exchange of internal material on international problems among all the sections affiliated to both the sections.

... Eventually, the subcommittee would prepare a summary report of the area of agreement and differences between the two bodies.' Chis resolution was adopted inanimously.

The International Secretariat attitude to unity, however, was diflerent from and opposed to that of the International Committee. In its statement of June 23 the International Secretariat states:

•.. The IVth International considered the split of 1953, and especially the Open Letter calling for disregard towards the normally elected leadership of the International, as a big mistake, which has done great harm to the world movement 'The political basis of the 1953-54 split, as we saw it, was a lack of full understanding of the correctness of the International's turn in the estimate of the world situation, made in 1950-51.

The International Committee, since it has never retracted the 'Open Letter' issued by the Socialist Workers Party-and has never accepted the estimate of the international situation in 1950 by the International Secretariat which laid the basis for the split, could not but construe this declaration as an ultimatum for unconditional surrender of the political positions successfully defended by the International Committee and the Socialist Workers Party in 1953.

Any attempt to discuss on the basis of the pre-determined agreement must seriously endanger international collaboration and the ultimate unification of the movement. That has been-and still is the opinion of the International Committee.

Despite these obstacles, the International Committee tried in a principled way to conduct the discussion within the Parity Committee set up by the two bodies, the International Committee and the International Secretariat.

But even before the discussion could commence the International Committee was faced by a split in its ranks which was encouraged -if not inspired-by the International Secretariat and the Socialist Workers Party.

Rather than wait for the International Committee conference in September 1963 which was to NIT Dobbs: condolences to widow draw up a balance sheet of the discussion and the prospects for unification, the Chinese, Canadian and Swiss sections conspired to split the International Committee, hold a hastily convened rump congress of their own in March 1963, and unite with the International Secretariat at the 7th World Congress of the Pabloites.

The International Secretariat rashly asserts that the splitters represented the majority of . the International Committee. This lie typifies their method: it is calculated to disarm and confuse those who are not informed of the history and character of the dispute.

The details of this sordid manoeuvre are not as simple as that.

First, neither the Canadian nor Chinese sections had debated or decided on any of the important documents submitted by both sides in the dispute. The Swiss never made a single written contribution. As for the Chinese, it is seriously doubted whether this section existed—or functioned.

The Canadian representative acted as a ventriloquist's dummy for the Socialist Workers Party and played no independent role whatsoever.

Secondly, Socialist Party leaders violated all the norms of democratic discussion when they approved the unification without submitting three out of the four major policy documents for discussion in the ranks.

Lastly, and this is the most reprehensible part of the intrigue -the splitters disregarded the opinions of all the Latin American sections of the International Committee.

These sections-the Argentine, Peruvian and Chilean-had insisted that the International Committee Conference be held in September 1963 in order that they would be able to send a representative delegation and moreover would have time to study the relevant documents.

The statement of the Chilean Partido Obrero Revolucionario in particular was clear and unequivocal. It rejeoted 'any separate attempt by any section of the International Committee to unify with the Pabloite International Secretariat.

"The Chilean POR will not allow itself to be dragged along This is the full text of the international resolution passed at the Sixth Annual Conference of the Socialist Labour League held on March 14, 15 and 16. It embodies the reply by the International Committee of the Fourth International to a document submitted by the International Secretariat of the Fourth International to the International Committee last November, It deals with the arguments of the International Secretariat in their rejection of proposals which the International Committee have been pressing for in the last decade—the unification of the world Trotskyist movement through frank and detailed discussion on the political differences by any panticular section wishing to unite on its own account with the International Secretariat, understanding that it is an elementary duty in revolutionary discipline to first discuss as a body in the International Committee, which in its entirety and by majonity must decide the basis for unity with the International Secretariat at its World Congress.' We do not conceal the fact that the Latin American sections were in favour of an early unification— but neither do we wish to conceal their principled attitude to unity.

Thus the splitters ignored the majority of the International Committee to secure 'unity'.

The International Secretariat now accuses us of being against an 'early fusion of forces. As we have made plain in the preceding lines, we are opposedresoîutely opposed—to unity which is not preceded by a thorough and ample discussion.

This was also Lenin's attitude when he prepared the 2nd Congress of the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party.

"The Iskra at the very outset, in its advance announcement in 1900, declared that before we could unite, lines of demarcation must be drawn . . • We were, in fact, guided by the maxim: "Measure your cloth seven times before you cut it."' ('One Step Forward, Two Steps Back', pp. 15/16, Lawrence & Wishart edition, 1941.)

The International Secretariat challenges us to define our attitude to the documents of their 7th Congress. Very well.

It is not possible in the space of this statement to comment adequately on the documents of the 7th Congress, but the Revisionists can rest assured that the International Committee has never remained-and will never remain -silent on the question of revisionism.

Here we shall touch only briefly on some of the major issues raised at the Congress.

On the main resolution, "The Dynamics (?) of World Revolution Today, under Section IV (The Proletarian Revolution in the Imperialist Countries) we read:

"The most probable variant in the next few years is... the following: the colonial revolution will continue involving new countries and deepening its social character as more workers states appear. It will not lead directly to the overthrow of capitalism in the imperialist centres but it will play a powerful role in building a new world revolutionary leadership as is already clear from the emergence of Castroist currents..?

If this quotation means anything at all, it means that the construction of a Marxist leadership in the metropolitan countries is predicated on the emergence of non-Marxist petty-bourgeois leaderships a la Castro in the colonial and semi-colonial world.

These leaderships not only abhor Trotskyism, but repress it at every opportunity!

The International Committee explicitly rejects such revisionist fantasias whose acceptance would condemn the Fourth International to decades of stagnation-and perdition.

This quixotic thesis of the International Secretariat finds its between the two sections.

corollary further on when the authors, referring to Cuba and the prospects for Trotskyism, hopefully suggest:

'As I. F. Stone the acute American radical (sic) journalist observed after a trip to Cuba, the revolutionists there are "unconscious" Trotskyists. With the coming of full consciousness among these and related currents Trotskyism will become a powertul current.' Without belabouring the point, we should like to know the precise meaning of the phrase, 'With the coming of full consciousness'. Are we to assume that 'full consciousness', like Castro's beard, is a natural endowment of every petty-bourgeois radical and peasant revolutionist?

Here we see how a scientific theory of revolution is thrown down and trampled underfoot while coarse elemental 'spontaneity' and bourgeois radicalism iis exalted to the point of virtue.

To talk of 'unconscious Marxists' is patent nonsense and a contradiction in terms. Like the cold-blooded mammal it belies reality-and defies all systems of classification.

Marxism, i.e., scientific socialism, is a method of social analysis, world outlook and the only saientific and valid theory of knowledge. It is human COnsciousness at a very advanced level of development. It represents the conscious expression of an unconscious historical process. It can never be unconscious.

The 'unconscious Marxist' is not a Marxist at all, but empirical simpleton who identifies social being and social consciousness in a mechanical and absurd way.

Let us not forget Lenin's advice:

"The highest fask of humanity is to comprehend the objective logic of the economic evolution (the evolution of social existence), to comprehend the most general and fundamental features with the purpose of adapting its social consciousness and the consciousness of the advanced classes of all capitalist countries to it in clear exact and critical fashion.

('Empirio-criticism and Materialism', p. 280, Lawrence & Wishart edition.)

On this point the International cretariat quarrels not with usbut with Lenin and Trotsky:

'One of the most outstanding features of Bolshevism has been its severe exacting even quarrelsome attitude towards the question of doctrine. The twenty-seven volumes of Lenin's works will remain forever an example of the highest theoretical conscientiousness, without this fundamental quality Bolshevism would never have fulfilled its historic role? ('Stalinism and Bolshevism'.)

Lenin has remarked Elsewhere that socialist consciousness cannot develop without the party and that the party represents the highest form of human consciousness. This has been considered an axiomatic truth for the revolutionary movement.

The revisionist wiseacres in the Unified International Secretariat, however, have replaced dialectical materialism and the party with the inane nostrums of Ben Bella and ¡the rhetoric of Castro-who, incidentally, has not read a single work of Trotsky and has never written a single theoretical in his life.

And what are the prospects, if any, for the Fourth International? Let us listen to the revisionists:

'In the advanced countries, the International can perform crucial services on behalf of revolutions in colonial countries ... The International can help the fighters of the colonial revólution to remain true internationalists : . . Among the advanced workers, intellectuals and youth of the workers' states the International can play a special role in helping them to dig through the debris of forty years of falsification ..? [Our emphasis.] Here in a nutshell is presented the perspective for the International.

Nowhere in this exposition do the tasks of the movement rise above the level of routine and mundane propaganda.

Nowhere is there any mention of the party leading struggles against unemployment and the integration of the unions in the state apparatus-or of winning working class youth to the party and the construction of a mass youth movement around the party.

For example, the question of publishing a regular weekly paper is nowhere dealt with-apart from a cursory reference to maintaining 'a Trotskyist publication'.

Instead we have such phrases as man perform, can help and can Secretariat done to build powerful parties in Europe?

Precisely nothing!

The International Secretariat is the direct antithesis of Lenin's conception of the party as a highly centralised and disciplined combat organisation of dedicated revolutionists armed with a scientific theory of revolution.

Such a party seeks to win the vanguard of the working class— and through it the majority of the working class-for the socialist revolution.

This can be done only through propaganda, agitation and organisation. Only the collective, organised action of the party can bring about the leadership of the class.

Marxism is the philosophy of action, the science of revolutionising practice-not the contemplation of texts or the digging of debris' as the International Secretariat believes.

The International Secretariat rejects in practice and in theory the fundamental idea of the Transitional Programme when it states:

'An acute problem in relation to the construction of revolutionary-socialist parties in many countries is lack of time to organise and to gain adequate experience before the revolution breaks out.

"In previous decades this would signify certain defeat for the revolution. Because of a series of new factors, however, this is no longer necessarily the case.

The example of the Soviet Union • • • and the relative weakening of world capitalism, have made it possible revolutions in some instances to achieve partial successes ...

and even go as far as the establishment of a workers' state.

*Revolutionary Marxists in such countries face extremely difficult questions (!) ... No choice is open to them in such situations but to participate completely and whole-heartedly in the revolution and to build the party in the very process of the revolution itself.

Two conclusions emerge from this:

(a) There is no crisis of proletarian leadership today;

(b) Revolutions are not organised and prepared for: they only occur. Therefore, the task of party building is a platonic onenecessary but not indispensable.

If it is possiblo to have revolutions and even workers' states without the leadership of the party, why should anyone want to build a party in the 'process of the revolution? Why indeed?

Unlike the International Secretariat we do not build parties for the sake of glory and prestige, but for the carrying through of the socialist revolution.

If what the International Secretariat says is true, then it is time to review the entire theoretical programmatic and historical basis of the Fourth International.

Was Trotsky right to set up the Cannon: 'differences disappearing' Fourth International, was his vealed the decisive and irrevocable struggle really necessary and was nature of the split between his historical prognosis correct? Pabloite revisionism and revoluDoes the International Secre- tionary Leninism. tariat agree with the observation From now on the struggle must of Trotsky that: No one has either and will be waged on all fronts shown in practice or tried to and in public so that the vanguard explain articulately on paper how of the international working class the proletariat can seize power will distinguish authentic Marxism without the political leadership of from the counterfeit variety. a party that knows what it wants'? Down with Revisionism and ('Stalinism and Bolshevism'.) Fourth International LARDUE A Journal of International Marxism REVIEW Published by the International Committee of the Fourth International Editorials: 'Introducing Fourth International' the General Election'. The Future of the Fourth International. A report made to the International Conference of the International Committee in September 1963—by Cliff Slaughter. Trends in Soviet Literature Part (1)—By Jean Simon The Consequences of Peaceful Co-existence-By Michel Varga 52 pages. Illus. Price 2/6. Available from: New Park Publications, Liquidators and Revisionists! We demand a straight answer.

This does not exhaust by any means our criticism of the International Secretariat documents, but it must suflice for the present. We shall comment fully and exhaustively — elsewhere, in our own time.

The piece de resistance of the International Secretariat statement is the grandiloquent boast about unifying all forces that 'consider themselves to be revolutionary socialists' We strongly contest the truth of this assertion for the following reasons.

The reaction of the Unified Secretariat and its transatlantic allies to the Kennedy assassination has proved beyond any doubt the reformist and philistine-liberal nature of this sect.

Just as Stalin's death revealed the degeneration within the International Secretariat in 1953, so, too, today the death of Kennedy has crystallised all the rottenness within the International Cominittee and International Secretariat.

While Farrell Dobbs was sending his condolences to the widow of the leader of world reaction and "The Militant' was approvingly quoting the words of a capitalist judge imploring the 'nation' to 'abjure hatred' (!!), the English organ of the International Secretariat ('World Outlook') was reproducing eulogies to the dead president from renegades such as Earl Browder who had the indecency to compare Kennedy to Lincoln!

The Newsletter correctly and severely criticised this nauseating statement of Dobbs and the undignified behaviour of the Socialist Workers Party. This attack has provoked Joseph Hansen, a leader of the Socialist Workers Party, to justify it on the grounds of expediency:

'Farrell Dobbs joined with other leaders of the American radical movement to explain why the Marxist movement ic completely opposed to assassina- LAC IVACATE tion. His declarations were published in the 'New York Times'. The attitude of this powerful newspaper is 'often of great weight in setting the tone for other newspapers in the United States. [Our emphasis.] 'Dobbs also issued a short statement to the press expressing personal sympathy for Mrs.

Kennedy . . • his statement helped counter the poisonous witch-hunting effort to picture Marxists as unbalanced individuals' ('World Outlook', Vol.

1, No. 18.)

Hansen's 'defence' is as rotten as the statement ot Dobbs.

If it is as Hansen states, then Dobbs has committed a double crime in the eyes of revolutionary socialists: he has not only disgraced the Socialist Workers Party in front of the Federal state-but he has also prostrated himself in front of the most 'powerful'-and eactionary—organ of bourgeoi ublic opinion in America The leaders of the Socialist Workers Party have sold their revolutionary birthright for the sake of a little bit of respectability. tionary socialists People revolu- call these as the International Secretariat statement does, is to insult the honourable name of "revolutionary socialism'.

We think we have made it palpably clear why the International Committee did not, and would DOL participate Ine charade of a 'Reunification Congress' and why we condemned the rump conference of an unrepresentative International Committee minority.

Recent events- such as the Kennedy assassination—have reOpportunism!

LABOUR Contents include: 186A Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4.

28, 1

DESPITE the opposition of the entire top leadership of the respectable' Negro and Puerto Rican organisations, the second school boycott on March 16 in New York City was a success.

School officials themselves estimate 167,459 students were absent over and above the 100,000 students who are absent every day of the week conducting their own private school boycott. This adds up to a solid 26 per cent of the entire city-wide enrolment.

The real impact of the boycott was felt deep in the Negro ghettos of Harlem and the Bedford-Stuyvesant section of Brooklyn where, in many schools, at least 90 per cent of the pupils supported the boycott.

In one school, it is reported, three teachers took turns in instructing one student.

Rallied against the boycott were all the powers of the capitalists, the white 'liberals' and their agents within the Negro movement.

Opposition

Every daily paper in the city, including the 'liberal' 'New York Post' not only opposed the boycott but expressed this opposition in a most effective way.— by imposing an almost complete news blackout during the critical period of the preparation of the boycott.

The national leaderships of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People, the Urban League and the Congress of Racial Equality —all comprising white middle class and business interests and all financed by those interests— were unanimous in opposing the second boycott.

The leaders of the Puerto Rican community also opposed it and this action had some effect on response to the boycott from their sector as the people there are not, as yet, as advancd in their political development as the Negroes.

Leadership

Leadership fell into the hands of the Rev. Galamison, an active integrationist preacher with a congregation in Bedford-Stuyvesant, that vast stretch of slums in the centre of Brooklyn.

Galamison is an erratic and opportunist leader, who last summer opposed demonstrations against job discrimination.

He is a middle-class Negro who sends his own children to private school!

This time the mass pressure of the Negro people was too great a force for him to ignore.

Not having the white financial support that the national Negro leaders receive, he was forced to rely more directly on the Negro masses themselves.

If he had not held out for the second boycott, it would have been the finish of him as a Negro leader in New York.

Opportunists

Whatever his weakness, he did work hard for the boycott. The same cannot be said for some of the other opportunists who turned up at the boycott headquarters.

Malcolm X arrived and devoted his energies to interviews with the press.

While he has done nothing to give a concrete lead to Negro people, he has become very adept at expressing many of their feelings. It is for this reason, rather than his nationalism and religion, that he always finds a receptive audience among Negroes.

Democratic Party representative Adam Claton Powell, who has an uncanny sense of the sentiments of the Negro masses, used the boycott for publicity.

It was not long ago when Correspondent, Tom Jackson Boycotters demonstrate outside the Board of Education in Brooklyn. militant members of the CORE picketed Powell's church when he presented Attorney-General, Bobby Kennedy, with an honorary plaque of some sort.

The picketers felt that Kennedy should not be allowed into Harlem until such time as he was able to offer the protection of the Federal government to the civil rights fighters in the South.

Powell, in true tashion, dismissed the 'old leaders' of the Negro organisations for being out of touch with the Negro masses and proclaimed that a new leadership was emerging Galamison, Malcolm X and, of course, himself.

Real credit for the success of the second boycott goes, not to these new opportunists nor to the old ones who fought it tooth and nail, but to rank-and-file members of CORE who refused to go along with their national leadership.

Support

Eight chapters of CORE in New York voted to support the school boycott despite heavy national office pressure.

Credit also goes to the rank-and-file members of Galamison's Parents' Workshop in BedfordStuyvesant and to the Parents' committee in Harlem.

These relatively small grass roots organisations did the Herculean preparatory work and turned out 1,000 pickets during the boycott to shut down the ghetto schools across the city.

Even these militants could not have got anywhere if it had not been for the new move of militancy among the young Negroes and Puerto Ricans in the city.

These young people live in the worst hovels, go to ratinfested schools which teach them absolutely nothing and are thrown out into the streets when they leave school to face a future of permanent unemployment.

Oppression

It is this class and race oppression that these young people were battling when they supported the boycott.

Specially important are the teenagers who organised their own lines in front of the high schools and junior high schools, and who turned out 3,000-strong in front of the Board of Education Offices in Brooklyn.

Marching across the Brooklyn Bridge they paraphrased the recent hit record of the Beatles and started chanting: "Freedom Yea Yea Yea.' Explosive There is no more explosive force in the United States than these young workers.

American capitalism offers them nothing-they have no future within this system.

Fight as they may, they cannot achieve even the relatively moderate goal of integration within the framework of capitalism.

As long as the miles and miles of Negro slum tenements stand there will be segregated schools in the ghettos.

These ghettos will stand long as the Negro has no real opportunity to earn a decent living. A stagnant economy with six million unemployed already cannot offer this to the young Negro workers.

Only under socialism will such simple demands as the right to an integrated quality education, the right to decent jobs and the right to a decent home be granted to the Negro masses.

What is desperately needed is a revolutionary p: irty of black and white worl sers to give real leadership to the young Negroes in their struggles.

Role

The Socialist Workers Party, all for 'revolution' in Cuba or Algeria is nowhere near these young workers in the United States. It played no role at all in the boycott, even on a local rank-and-file level.

Leon Trotsky understood the critical importance for the revolutionary party to reach the American Negro masses.

In 1939 Trotsky stated: 'If it happens that we in the SWP are not able to find a road to this stratum, then we are not worthy at all. The permanent revolution and all the rest would be only a lie.' Twenty-five years later the SWP remains as deeply isolated as ever from the American Negroes and youth.

COLOUR-BAR ARRESTS TWELVE Negroes, eight of them children, were arrested in demonstrations against the colour bar in Birmingham, Alabama, last Friday.

Rebels vote against

Papandreou government THE PAPANDREOU government ran into its first crisis last week—just five weeks after coming to power. At a session of parliament to elect its chairman (Speaker), 30 government MPs defied the party and the whips and voted against the candidate for the post.

Press reports from Athens say that the Greek prime minister, George Papandreou moved swiftly, expelling two leading rebels from the Centre Union Party and issuing a public warning to the rest of the rebels to obey party orders, or face the consequences.

He threatened that if the government does not get a full majority at next week's debate of the formal motion of confidence, which every new government must put before parliament, he will dissolve the government and call for new elections.

EXCUSE

The issue of the parliamentary chairman was clearly an excuse used by the Centre Union Party right wing to give notice to Papandreou that now the elections are over, he had better drop his 'progressive' election pledges for 'democracy and freedom'.

Crisis in the Centre Union Party is only a reflection of the constant crisis which the relatively backward Greek capitalism is going through.

The economy is almost permanently in the red and depends entirely on American aid and long-term loans in return for H-bomb bases.

With such conditions, BOMB EXPLODES AMAD TITTATONIAAT TITTIT INDI VY LIND ONLY two days after Tory leader, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, appealed for patience from African leaders over the question of independence for Southern Rhodesia, a bomb exploded near Mr. Winston Field, the country's prime minister.

The incident took place at a sports meeting attended by Field on Sunday.

In Southern Rhodesia, which has been under British domination for a great number of years, Africans are fighting to obtain the right to form their own government.

"Understanding'

Home, who was speaking to the Nigerian government, asked for 'understanding' on the question of Southern Rhodesia's future.

He and his colleagues in Westminster are anxious that Nigeria, which has refused to support freedom for Southern Rhodesia under a white government, should pull in behind the Tory line.

They are also worried in case the economy of the country does not remain in the hands of British imperialism. It is for this reason that Home made his speech in Nigeria. / Persuasive In trying to create the impression of a British Tory government abounding in good faith and handing out independence to its colonial countries, Sir Alec, who as a former foreign secretary, should be well versed in persuasion, stated:

"The colonial era is dead. Never in the whole of our colonial history have we failed in a solution and never had a solution which has not been supported by all.

The labour movement must force Wilson and the Labour leaders to nail this lie.

The only support that Home and his henchmen have ever had little room for concessions to Greek workers.

A large section of the ruling class believes that the only way to solve its problems is at the expense of the working class.

They need a tame working class which will be unable to fight for better conditions. To achieve this they have been systematically carrying out a war, arresting militants and breaking up strikes and demonstrations.

Papandreou, on the other hand, still presents himself as a 'progressive' paying lip service to 'democracy and freedom' in order to appease popular feeling.

His 'progressive' line is an attempt to ease tension temporarily and to get support of the Communist EDA (United Democratic Left). These plans are to curb the increase in working-class militancy.

That he is capable of mass repressions can clearly be seen from Papandreou's past performance in the civil war.

IN MIN Field: leader of white minority for their colonial policies has been from the British monopolists, members of the Tory party and white racialists.

One thing is certain, they will not get support for this policy from the African working class.

The continuation of white rule in Southern Rhodesia is not acceptable to the African people there.

This is shown not only in the bomb explosion near Winston Field but the fact that riot squad police recently opened fire on Africans who stoned cars carrying Europeans.

Sentence

Two African nationalists have been sentenced to death in Southern Rhodesia and others have been imprisoned for acts of 'sabotage'.

The British government faces a dilemma. The only alternative to a white government in Southern Rhodesia is an African one.

This they may have to accept if the situation there becomes too explosive. But an African government will raise problems because the workers in Southern Rhodesia are becoming increasingly militant.

Loss

The overthrow of an African government would mean the complete loss of British influence in the country and a loss too of British capital.

British capitalism is intent on finding a solution that will be acceptable to either the white minority government, which has served British capitalism faithfully over the years, or the imperialists who have considerable interest in the country's

SO-CALLED 'extremists' were arrested by the security police in Portugal at the week-end.

A number of those taken in were communists and police stated that they were organising for local uprisings against the dictatorship of Salazar.

Reports claim that these 'extremists' were in close touch with the National Liberation Front formed in Algeria to overthrow the Portuguese government.

These actions against those opposing the fascist-type Portuguese government are among many taken against militants every week.

It the Labour Party forms a government after the next general election its members must make sure that all possible aid is given to the Portuguese workers in their fight against the Salazar regime.

Industrial

economy.

As this question drags on and on the labour movement must make sure that the African working class is not defeated by the next Labour government in the name of 'peace and prosperity arrests SEVENTY thosand workers, INTY thousand workers, students and peasants to part in the demonstrations rt in the demonstrations in Nantes, Western Fran last week.

An appeal was launched to a unemployment and bad living stanć "The sackings in the LoireAtlantique (the Nantes area) were decided by the bosses and by the government to build up the reserve army of unemployed that they need to put pressure on the wages and salaries of those who remain in work, by the misery of the unemployed, to lower the purchasing power of all....

The statement went on to warn that the sackings in the Simca factory would set the pattern for sackings in the other big automobile factories in France: the Renault and the Berliet factories.

WITHDRAW

The Nantes workers demanded the withdrawal of the trade unions from the National Planning Commission, from all committees for economic expansion, and to reject the Toutée report on wages.

It is impossible on the one hand to take part in these anti-working - class organisations, which are set up to strangle the workers and their families, and on the other to claim to defend the interests of the working class. ...

'It is impossible to claim to fight against unemployment by allying with the one group of bosses and their representatives, against other bosses and other representatives.

WARNING

'Unemployment has only one cause: capitalism! There are no good or bad bosses: there are only exploiters exclusively searching for profits.' The statement warned that the demands of the workers can only be fought for if their organisations remain independent of the bosses' organisations.

Organisations that should be fighting for the workers all take part in the committees and commissions in which the bosses and the state prepare their attacks on the working class, the statement continued.

CONTROL

This means that it is up to the workers to control the leadership of the workers' organisations to make them serve the working class.

The statement ends with calls for unity of the working class against poverty and unemployment and for workers' control of their own organisations.

It appeals to hundreds of thousands of workers in other parts of France to follow the example of the 70,000 workers and peasants of Nantes. French CP condemn book JEWISH members of the French Communist Party have condemned the publication in the Ukraine of 'Judaism i Unmasked'. The Communist Party Yiddish daily, 'Naje Presse', has published a protest against the book.

The paper also sent a letter to the Russian news agency 'Novosty' asking 'what measures will the Soviet government take to prevent the degeneration of propaganda for free thought into material which increases anti-semitic attitudes and serves anti-Soviet propaganda?' Petition Jewish Communist Party representatives have also supported a petition to Khrushchev from Crif, a non-political Jewish organisation.

This asks for the ban on the manufacture and sale of matzo (a bread) in the USSR to be lifted.

These actions are unlikely to have been taken without the permission of the French Communist Party leadership.

JOBLESS RIOT

NEARLY 2,000 unemployed Africans in Kericho, Kenyawhere there is a serious lack of jobs—rioted outside employment offices after they were told that there were ro more jobs.

took ince, I workers in France to fight irds.

Opposition leaders TWELVE opposition leaders in Morocco were condemned to death last week. Once again the voices that shouted so enthusiastically about monarchs who have 'chosen the socialist path' are interrupted by firing squads.

This will doubtless have no effect on the singers of these songs of praise.

Some of the loudest of these are the bureaucratic leaders of the Peoples Republic of China.

In a communique issued on December 31 last year by the government of the Peoples Republic and the government of his Majesty the King of Morocco after Chou En-lai's visit, Chou praised the success achieved by 'His Majesty's government and the Moroccan people in their efforts to consolidate national independence and develop the national economy.

Friendship'

'The two parties,' the statement continued, 'affirm their conviction that Premier Chou En-lai's present visit has made an important contribution to the strengthening of friendship between the Chinese and Moroccan peoples.' Friendship between which people? Workers and peasants of Morocco or the royal government and the capitalists?

The Chinese bureaucrats do not distinguish between that as the first quotation shows when they congratulate His Majesty's government and the Moroccan people.

Bureaucratic

This failure to analyse underdeveloped countries in class terms and to talk instead of 'anti-imperialist capitalists' and "socialist monarchs', reflects the bureaucratic nature of the Chinese state.

The bureaucracy sees the struggle today as being between backward and advanced countries, between "coloureds' and "whites'. , rather than • between workers and exploiters.

But last week's announcement shows that if the Chinese government is unable to make this distinction the royalist government is able to do so and is prepared to use firing squads to make it quite plain.

UN discuss

Soviet anti-semitism DELEGATES of the Western powers had a field day when last week's session of the United Nations' Human Rights Commission discussed anti-semitism.

The Israeli representative, Comay, was able to produce copies of the Ukrainian publication 'Judaism Unmasked'. referred to in The Newsletter on March 7.

Other delegates then made the most of 'official' anti-semitism in the Soviet Union to attack the country.

The allegedly anti-Zionist book was published in Kiev by the Ukrainian Academy of Science. It contains cartoons and caricatures which are blatantly anti-Jewish.

Ukrainian delegate Nedbailo, who is himself a member of the Academy, attempted to justify one of these cartoons, and in doing so, admitted the official publication of the book.

Jobs scarce following Ford closure handed books THERE are still over 400 men signing on at the dole office L in Doncaster as a result of the recent Ford closore there of those Plymouth and managed to find jobs but they Wiltshire! ei have been Many workers family ties and do : lowes : rate 7s. 6d. an houl : but some Although Men in the gang were handed taken jobs in other fac- play of the Mr. J. A. their books by the employers for being given to the workers in Truline Bras Ltd., because there was no work for enabling them to move to Liverpool, very few of them have, of the in 6 The for the firm for Akers returned, g de- ley, leader of ments, are relating been the article practice in the and maintain that the ie! cided to continue the strike wives, called on only appearing page 4 of for the bosses to retain the Vol. 8, No. 337, local Ministry dated 14th eaded 'Truline March, 1964. office has offered the workers said: 'We are prepared to tell the jobs in the steel mills at Scun- because, he Laid Off author. on with this strike, with execu- his own b thorpe. This leaving appears to us to be based on by the extension of the Winter tive committee backing, closing? He was by the press, morning and returning Doncaster at 6 o'cloc in the accordance with a "staff In last week's which has attacked o'clock at night. too bright. pression of the course The article gives a the was reported that difficulty was the strikers. the time bus for coal miners; the railways at the factory and this impres- Union decision shocking conditions on this job being experienced in "blacking' have the being 'reorganised' with no sion should be corrected. Any books Labour Board Regulation In an interview Leamington, work for Raleigh Since Lockheed, then the support for this Contributions should journey it is Other jobs offered to family hardly worthwhile. to spare and another firm in has recently declared decision by the of the fa of your its, is led to as a result of a Wages Inspector newspaper, management has seit daily. ed on tough that for six worked on London Transport Newsletter, ex-conductor Lionel Maloney from Barbados, who years, told how he was the strike and their at Loc to A. Street, J. Holmes, 80 include labouring jobs on result ( of its The workers redundant. ›f Ford's drive situation in Doncaster, prosperous town, is the bigger that it could 'thin edge on March 3 for allegedly to beat rivals. some girls were laid off of the wedge' Catherine's hitting a youth with his ticket It is significant tha and that Docks. machine when he was attacked. primarily against After the offence, which took Liverpool coincides bers. This leads out until the management place on January 18, Maloney with th e cutting in price of suppose that union taken to a police station trade Anglia, which has enabled part in a recent strike. were being victimised and detained for about five been shown at the annual steal a lead its hours. His now renamed, Scottish Commercial Motormen's laid off for one week only, fact the girls concerned assault. He Ferguson, Man- put forward Delegate J. McGuigan criticised Labour leaders a plan for the integration and nationalized Only if th and are now back in the Com- pany's employment. They were lea £20 bail. All work Raleigh has can situations like "blacked' at Fort Dunlop informed beforehand as to the reasons for the laying off which main suppliers of for tion, which had по connection with the Raleigh cycles-and men for the next Inspector's decision. merely coincidence was the by Sewing Clydebank, Scotland, workers from the Singer Machine factory at Union branch secretary, for who have held Dunlops fact, industry immediately *nationalize the transport The workers are in dispute send supplies to Raleigh by same day that the management with the management over In court Sutton Coldfield transport firm took action a bottleneck centive payments introduced unofficially on Monday, but one in work, had factory a result of modernisation of the and the introduction of voked the Maloney and abusing fight by by of their lorries pickets led was turned back strike leader, er policy in pro- racialist terms. Ken Hooley. ide girls were laid In spite of this, Maloney The mass On given a conditional discharge speeches were narks of the sewing strike the National and order 13 guineas pporters the union's secretary and thirty Over Unio: i of General and Muni- Alex Kitson. members of the Nat onal Union executive council has Workers warned the men tion. On the last of Vehicle Builders walked off taking steps to stroy any Whether or not these girls are with The he launched the truck assembly line at the union is not the the union is not be an appeal, ort in the on the strikers at British Motor Corporation, work and Motor Corporation temporary laying-off. The Com- vant to the question of retained only those mach- who were at the which kers mass Under this decided stewards meeting to go back of Friday. strikers the Divisional Office o Transport and sacked On March 3 he 'un- in more tinued, it will help other sections big factori strike, particularly of Raleigh, is 's is con- the strike only way dragged into the gate, union workmates who the dismissal They were by a ensuring that 'slip-man'—a 'left one of their his job against end of groups compulsorily number of More than branches three ied into will be by explaining the importance of who replaces other workers 'militant victory' article raises Company with the the factory. This good working condi- but merely to question of which your not con- FORTY-THREE welder mem- bers of the United Society of Structural Workers went strike on Tuesday, just 12 days Boilermakers, Shipbuilders on interview advised him to send a operating manager. TGWU have taken no He rejected this idea, this fight against at policy of Alderman Cornelius the hostile interfer- Nottingham's Lord redundancies *assist Bathgate workers to support co-ordination between the wor- kers and the trade unions to Mr. He went the Scottish Kitson tions to take The line place for the re- the dismissed by George Woodcock and the union along right-wing's ally right wing is the first plans the lines Trades run and will continue after they had returned to at the Bradford branch of Inter- The Newsletter has 'militant' our consistent policy. national Harvesters following a of other attacks Woodcock-wing to make his peace with the tive tion of malice on the Company's any imputa- followed the procedure in ten-day strike. The exhaustion the men's dispute has all who are colol h time, hov dissatisfied ever, with the area full-time with every five which may have for skilled nstead semi- COi article. skilled Other of the Each National Union of Vehicle joined of the tection on certain routes. Tory form by a candidate at a out on This type of "The Times' of March 10 union structure are, like defend themselves Maloney, open Trade Union of the Scottish Ur Advisory out national leadership'. certainly strengthen strike against speed-up OVER 300 men engaged North-West Merseyside work are cookers is insist should appeal the time has come to prosecution and the sack. are noted for double crews The TGWU must be these attacks and to Trades on routes which Coun- Aberdeen Town Council has re- setting up, disputes and union of a union A plan with legal backing, court to proposed which all perly. sacked worker refused tr job and his workmates line before discussed , do left to accept policie: leadership to force its weaken the limited available to and make The changes will such easier undoub: control of cooker fixing which have The unions cils, Labour Parties and of 19 to 11. employers sent restraint. been introduced in give the scheme a tri il run, but branches assist 1,000 workers from the These The new scheme has immediate end to have at the end of found that to do this a coloured If the union submits its members is tried to frighten the trade unions the boycott, have ed by be binding and sanction- law. decision of Any trade union An from Mr. Alex Kitson, against the strike the Commercial inheriting tion of the Labour government Tory the possible economic probWhen the men refused to assisting in and labour movement into sub- member who took action not Motormen's Union who con- The mates, a system which has been the scheme after the trial intimidation of mission by threatening severe sanctioned by their officials demned unofficial strikes in the follow the situation closely. It run a shop steward was sacked, weakening the unemployment if the would be to the civil tort motor industry at the close of is hoped to bring our readers Immediately the fitters downed for decent wages and conditions. carries out its decision. of breach id would his own union's further of Under with specially con- bringing out tools and have IN the fight for socialism, The of relatively Aberdeen is already lose their by the act structed They ha ve to vans and a the old tracting firms Despite concerted pressure role. Newsletter is playing a vital Do you get it regularly? ment and this action by the would deliberately Obviously the invitea cooker, install the Gas Board the plumbers are Don't leave it to the chance present one and are determined, along with the con- fill in this form and the bill after tracting men, that they will not law are accept the new scheme. They Department, This to operation: demanding the reinstatement 186a Clapham that a closely time checked and vans are equipped with the shop steward and two London, S.W.4. rank and other men sacked for opposing for 8s. fight of the African people to And this control equipment for cor bring down Verwoerd his own checking with the Name lead the The plumbers the if the ra ary, Registered at the G.P. O. as a newspaper Trades Union Wing the support o District