The Newsletter, vol. 8 no. 365

8, No.

LATEST

PAYOFFER LONDON dockers were joined by 12,500 men from Merseyside and hundreds from Hullmembers of both the 'Blue' union and the Transport and General Workers' Union —to fight for a substantial wage increase in a one-day token stoppage on Wednesday.

At a docks delegate conference, held at Transport House, representatives of the four dock unions rejected, by two to one votes, the 12s. 6d. offer of the port employers.

About 9,000 men from Tilbury, Royal and other London docks met at Westminster bridge on Wednesday morning to join in a march on Transport House before the start of the conference.

Delegates to the conference heard a report from TGWU general secretary, Frank Cousins, on last week's talks with the employers, who are offering only a 12s. 6d. rise in pay with certain strings attached - strings which would most certainly only benefit the port bosses.

TERMS

It is quite possible that Cousins is preparing a shameful sell-out of the dockers' wage claim. The results of his talks with the port employers were kept secret until the delegates' meeting on Wednesday, but the feadership of the TGWU have made it amply clear that they are prepared to come to terms with the port employers in order to avoid a national docks strike.

When Sir Andrew Crichton, leader of the dock employers, says his discussion with Cousins was 'instructive and intelligent', it is highly likely that no firm stand was taken by the TGWU leader on the question of a substantial wage claim without strings-'decasualisation', speed-up, etc.

Cousins and the rest of the TGWU leadership fall neatly into line with the wishes of the Labour Party leadership in this pre-election period.

The one thing neither party wants is to take on the employers on behalf of the working class and for this reason they— Cousins, Wilson and Co.—will be quite willing to sell-out the dockers to the port employers. Rough reception for Cousins Mersey From REG PERRY ALL the anger and frustration of the Merseyside dockers at the retreat of their union leaders over the fight for wages exploded last Monday night when Frank Cousins, secretary of the Transport and General Workers' Union, arrived to address a meeting at the Liverpool stadium.

Hundreds gather outside under a banner: "There Are No Scabs On Merseyside Frank. They're All In Transport House'.

Only the intervention of the right wing and Stalinist stewards saved Cousins when he arrived Inside the stadium-known in the boxing world as the 'Graveyard of Champions'—1,500 card holders of the TGWU shouted at the three main speakers, Tim O'Leary, TGWU docks section secretary, Jack Jones, assistant secretary of the union and Cousins himself.

When Cousins attempted to persuade the men that the terms of decasualisation should" be negotiated, he was greeted with hoots of derision.

The meeting was closed after an hour and when Cousins left the stadium he was again surrounded. Several officials were punched. Cousins' car was hammered and chipped by thrown pennies.

Cousins will never forget his visit to the 'Graveyard of Champions' and to Merseyside dockers. policies! By The Editor ". October 15, millions of workers and sections of the middle class will vote solidly tor the Labour Party, although Harold Wilson has made every effort to avoid appealing to the socialist aspirations of the working class in his campaign. Labour supporters will be showing, despite the Labour leaders, their deep hostility to the Tories as the representatives of the ruling class.

Young people, voting for the first time at a general election, will oppose the Tories as upholders of a system which offers no future but insecurity and war. Their parents will remember th bitter depression years of pre-war Tory rule.

In many minds, the Profumo and Ferranti exemplify capitalist hypocrisy and corruption.

A Tory victory in 1964 would be a disaster for But voting Labour will not be enough.

Over the bright lights of the election looms the shadow of economic crisis. The employers prepare fierce attacks on working-class living standards.

The Labour Party leaders, who want partnership with the monopolies, cannot the workers from this onslaught.

Only the Socialist Labour League can prepare the labour movement to meet and smash the power of big business. Only nationalization and socialist planning can secure the future of the working class.

Vote Labour on Thursday, October But prepare for the struggle which will face after the election is over.

Sh FILE to run capitalism in and will not protect

DOCKERS'

LEADER TO SPEAK AT SLL MEETING Peter Kerrigan a leading member of the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers' Union in the north will be speaking at this Sunday's meeting organised by the Socialist Labour League. The struggle by Britain's dockers for a living wage has played, and will play, an important part in the political scene during and after the Genes d - Election. Kerrigan's contribution to the meeting, therefore, should not be missed. All dockers-and other workers-should attend the PUBLIC MEETING After the Election, what next?

Cora Hotel Upper Woburn London, W.C.1 THIS SUNDAY (October 11) 7.30 Other speakers: Cliff Slaughter and G. Heal executive Lambeth secretary for life Newsletter Reporter DAVE FINCH, a leading member of the Socialist Labour League and prominent member of the Electrical Trades Union, has been suspended from holding office in the union for life. This brutal and savage sentence was meted out by the right wing clique, who now dominate the Executive Council, at a meeting on Monday, October 5.

His 'crime' was that his branch donated £15 to the Streatham Young Socialists, who have been suspended by Transport House.

Dave Finch only recently stood for national office, and received over 6,000 votes. He has attended . a number of national, conferences as delegate from his branch.

At a meeting 18 months ago, he was elected branch secretary of the Brixton branch, and when this was amalgamated with Lambeth, he was again elected secretary of the new branch.

He has always fought for socialist principles in the union and, in doing so, has been fearless in exposing Cannon and Byrne and the clique who lead the union.

Although he disagreed in principle with the policies of the Communist Party, he always defended its members from the witch-hunt.

• See Editorial Comment Next WeekR London postmen angered Demonstration outside union Robert James REPRESENTATIVeS rod branch secretaries from almost all •of London's 116 Union of Post Office Workers' branches marched to their union headquarters in Clapham, London, on Monday to demand the reinstatement of seven expelled leaders.

With them, they carried petitions bearing nearly 7,000 signatures.

UPW secretary, Ron Smith, met an eight-man delegation for nearly an hour, but they were unable to report anything to the men.

Two hours before the expelled seven: chairman Harry Jones, secretary Dick Lawlor, assistant secretary Maurice Styles (who is also a national executive committee member), and four other members of the postmen's London District Council issued a writ against the union to set aside the expulsions.

"Unconstitutional'

All seven were expelled last week for unconstitutional action' over the attempts by the bosses to introduce part-time labour.

It is understood that an application will be made to take out an injunction restraining the executive committee from carrying out its expulsion action until the writ is heard in the High Court.

Secretary of the West London UPW branch, C. Gregg, also told his colleagues: 'It is on the cards, because of the writ, that the London District Council could be cancelled until this injunction has been heard'-the UPW had called a Council meeting for Thursday to elect new officers.

Feeling ran bigh throughout the demonstration with the men demanding to meet Smith in person. He sent the union's assistant secretary Danny Brown to invite the delegation in the headquarters.

Not satisfied Gregg attempted to play down the militancy, but the men made it clear they are opposed to both part-time workers and the expulsions. Many shouted they were not satisfied with Smith's talk of 'sub judice' over the expulsions and there was talk of a work-to-rule being operated in some post office branches.

Other men told The Newsletter after the demonstration that many colleagues who had worked in the post office for a number of years were becoming so frustrated with the union leadership that they were finding other jobs.

The seven expelled must also take some blame for this frustration among postmen who, until earlier this year, were thought to be docile unionists.

Support

They have no confidence in their fellow workers who showed such tremendous strength in the strike that it could have been won, but for a complete capitulation by Smith.

The Newsletter supports the seven men in their fight for reinstatement. It also supports all rank and file postmen in their struggle for improved wages and conditions.

Every victory gained by the postmen is a blow against the Tories, their system and their friends in trade unions. of The N is because the latest Election. subscription now. Postmen showing their full petition forms before the demonstration This bring eneral Be sure of your copy by taking out a headquarters

LIKE many top business• men, and bankers, George Woodcock, general secretary of the Trades Union Congress, believes there is no difference between Tory and Labour 'principles.

Speaking in Monday he said *in ence was urgency'.

AUDACIOUS

This audacious remark comes from a man who is secretary of ain organisation to which millions of workers, most of them Labour supporters, are affiliated.

With Labour, you may not get everything exactly as you want, but at least you will have a new set of people much more in tune with things,' Woodcock adds.

'As they are, and despite some of the mistakes they will make, you will be glad in the end that you voted Labour.' Woodcock fools no one with his 'declaration of allegiance'. A Labour government, under Wilson, would suit his purposes, and his remarks indicate that he wants to be on the winning side.

ALLY

Although he appeared at the Trades Union Congress to be almost 'neutral' where Wilson and a Labour government are concerned, it is obvious from his speeches there, that a real 'difference of principles'—a fight by Labour to win the election on socialist policies and to implement them afterwards - would not suit him.

In fact, at the TUC he found an ally in Wilson. Both their main speeches outlined possible economic planning (i.e., wage freeze) and legislation-followYorkshire on the only differapproach and ing an inquiry into on union rights.

These moves would tie the unions much closer to the state and, therefore, make them and their members, whose growing militancy is now expressed in the docks, the motor industry and even the Post Office, easier to manipulate.

The resulting docile labour force would be no threat to Wilson's 'New and Greater Britain'-a capitalist Britain struggling with a gigantic economic problem, which could be solved temporarily by attacking working-class conditions (speedup, redundancy) and wages, and allowing giants like ICI to grow even greater through automation.

BOON

Such a labour force would also be a boon to Woodcock and all other right-wing, bureaucratic leaders who wish to preserve their privileged positions.

So, with his eyes still set on amalgamation, which, through the strength of the unions, he was forced to remit at the Congress, Woodcock's estimation of Labour increases.

The same people who are viciously attacking Young Socialists—who were able to take 3,000 youth on to the streets of London last week in a fight for socialist policies — become people with a 'different approach and urgency', who are "in tune with things'!

Instead of joining in such an attack by issuing statements like that made on Monday, the general secretary of one of the world's oldest and strongest working - class organisations should be fighting against the Wilsons, Browns, opportunists, centrists and other so-called left along with Labour' s youth.

Calls many sections of the labour movement not to embarrass Wilson and the Labour Party during the election campaign are exposed by Page

dustry. prices.

out.

Wilson will aid big business FORD SAINSBURY, owner of the giant. grocery - chain, • outlined the reasons why he will support the new Labour government and why other businessmen should do so too, in this week's 'New Statesman' The main difference between the parties, as he saw it, is the determination with which they are prepared to carry out the "modernisation' of British inSainsbury's plans, and presumably he believes that Wilson intends to carry this policy through, would involve vicious attacks upon the working class.

First, he says, the Labour government must give more power to the National Economic Then, it must end the fluctuatons in the economy that have been so persistent under Toryism. This must be done by stabilising Prices This is not done merely by pegging wages. 'Wage rates in themselves do not determine the price of the product. Higher wages combined with more efficient deployment of labour, and the application of more advanced production methods, can lead to unchanged or even decreasing prices, he says.

In fact, he is confident that the Labour government Will carry on the methods desired by the biggest and most dynamic firms in this country: increasing intervention by the state (through a strengthened NEDC) combined with the Ford technique-high wages at the cost of extremely intense exploitation, redundancy and high mobility of labour.

This, of course, should be the policy carried out by the Tories, but the Labour Party have this significant advantage to Lord Sainsbury:

•.. who can doubt that a greater confidence amongst the Terica Trades Daion for it is mobodius. Not even in the worst days of Frank Haxell was such a sentence handed When Cannon, who is now the president of the ETU was viciously attacked by Haxell and company, Dave Finch supported him as a matter of principle. At that time the witchhunt against Cannon was a sign of the weakness of the leadership. At this time the witch-hunt by Cannon and Byrne against Finch is a sign of even greater weakness and if the right wing thinks that they are here for life, as also did Haxell, they will have a rude awakening. The power of the rank and file is greater than any leadership.

It is now extremely important that all members of the ETU give their assistance to Dave Finch by demanding his immediate reinstatement. aid big business organised workers. The importance of this fact can hardly be exaggerated. The success of planning without compulsion is largely dependent upon an incomes policy? (Our emphasis)

Compulsion Sainsbury reveals quite clearly that he sees the Labour government as the only alternative to fascism, as it may be able to pull the workers into line because it has their confidence. If it is not able to do this, then, the capitalists, eager for price stability and modernisation, will have to resort to the 'compulsion' that he lets drop so casually.

He is quite explicit on what a Labour Government should do.

*... the future government must face the problem of restrictive practices that result in manpower being underemployed. Sometimes these practices are the result of the pressure of shop stewards and are disowned by the unions themselves.' 'The Tories, he concludes, 'may be surprised, in the event, how many businessmen will prove to share my view And indeed all the signs point that way. "The Observer' last Sunday carried an article on a group of capitalists, who call themselves 'The Outsiders' and who support Labour.

These gentlemen hold views even more reactionary than those of Lord Sainsbury.

As the Young Socialists are booted unceremoniously out of the back door, the 'progressive and dynamic' tycoons, together with their 'modern' policies, are welcomed in through the front!

Labour voters would do well to keep a vigilant eye on the Labour leaders.

Reinstate Dave Not even in

The would not find all this "worrying'; his job would be to fight against the capitalist system which brings crisis after every boom.

In order to do that, he would have to take a part in mobilising the industrial and political strength of the workers to overthrow capitalism. But he is, in fact, an agent of capitalism; he has no responsibility to the working class, and he is loyal to nobody except the capitalists, upon whom he depends.

If Brown is 'worried' by the Tories' pretending nothing is the matter, what has he got to say about the now famous statement by his friend Mr. Harold Wilson only five weeks before-'There is no economic crisis?

Deception

Can it be that five weeks ago there was no crisis and now we face the biggest crisis ever known"? Is this leadership, or is it deception?

After the election of a Labour government next week, all kinds of professed socialists will tell the workers to stop demanding wage increases, stop striking against the employers, all out of loyalty to a Labour government.

We have seen in earlier articles the real meaning of all this: the British bosses are desperate to re-equip industry in a way that increases their profits and enables them to compete in the world market.

They want to put the cost of this automation on the workers' backs. The cry for loyalty to workers became politically conscious. At the same time, the Labour leaders reacted just like their capitalist masters — with contempt, persecution and repression.

Decisive

After massive expulsions and witch-hunts, the right-wing was decisively defeated on policy. The Young Socialists decided for socialism. The Labour Party, in effect, banned all political campaigning, even calling the police to disperse Young Socialists.

Finally, the YS National Committee majority had to plan its activity independently of the inspired by the mobilisation of thousands of young workers against Toryism.

The workers are, of course, quite capable of understanding a call to reject Toryism and, at the same time, to serve notice on Wilson that only socialist policies will be acceptable for this job. Like the youth on the march, the working class as a whole can understand such a policy, because it represents their class interests.

Workers vote Labour not because of Wilson's policies, but because they consistently reject the party of big business.

One final point on strikes. It is argued that strikes and demonstrations will frighten off the middle-class vote (the floating voter). If this advice was always followed, the workers would never fight for their own demands for fear of frightening some mythical ally.

But the argument is not true. The middle classes are notoriously inconsistent and changeable in their politics. It simply is not true that they are always impressed by 'moderation' and 'compromise Response At a time of crisis, like the one we are now entering, the middle classes often reject the "talking shop' of Parliament and democracy* become cynical about all traditional and constitutional methods and respond to those who promise to bring quick or decisive action to change the situation.

The TV bleating of Wilson and Brown will not appeal to them; the ability to mobilise thousands of youth and to strike blows against big business will. A firm and determined socialist policy is the only way to win sections of the middle class and neutralise others.

Finally, the great youth demonstration of September 27 passed completely unreported and without comment in "Tribune', that washed-out journal of something that used to be known as the Labour left or Bevanite movement (its bestpreserved fossil, Michael Foot, recently published his crawling *Pictorial Biography of Harold Wilson').

They ['Tribune'] have been running articles and letters on 'the future of the YS for months — and then something happens!

'Future hurts' A real YS, out on the streets instead of in their correspondence columns, caused the whole flood of words to dry up; to paraphrase an American writer of the 1930s who visited the USSR: 'I have seen the future, and it hurts!' "Tribune' is the best example of the tate of those who argue 'loyalty to Labour', 'don't rock the boat,: etc.-they end up unable to open their mouths at all except to attack the left, because everything has become subordinated to job-seeking and petty manoeuvres.

Real leadership is very different; it does not start from temporary advantages and comfortable jobs, but from the needs of the working class.

The working class owes no loyalty to Wilson and Brown; it must reject these leaders, and demand from itself leaders who will be loyal to the working class and to its socialist aims.

(Next week: the last of our election seriesThe Left and the General Election by Jack Gale.)

the Labour government is really a call to lie down and let the bosses trample over you."...

The working class owes loyalty to no one except to the working class itself, not only in Britain but internationally—in the colonies and ex-colonies, in the USA, in the USSR and China.

The big business giants who exploit us in Britain are part of international capital and our task is to throw them out, nationalizing their wealth and using it to improve the life of all workers.

Notorious

Wilson, Brown and their fellow-Ministers-to-be are loyal to the capitalist system. This is the meaning of Wilson's notorious guarantees to ICI and the insurance millionaires that their business will not be interfered with by the Labour government.

It is also the meaning of Brown's appearance at the sumptuous opening of the millionaires' Hilton Hotel, and of his job as 'industrial adviser' to the biggest-circulation capitalist daily newspaper in the country.

It explains, too, their shameful silence in helping to draw the curtain over the Profumo scandal of 1963.

Capitalism plans a vicious attack on the workers. The Labour leaders are loyal to capitalism. Why then should the workers be loyal to the Labour leaders? Let there be a government loyal to Labour, to the working class, and the workers will then, and only then, give their loyalty'; but such a government would have to take all the wealth from the bosses.

Test

In actual fact the workers will fight against the employers under a Labour government. They will be forced to defend their wages and conditions. All labour and socialist trends will be tested by their power to lead these struggles. That test has already begun, before the election.

The surest sign of the subservience of the Labour leaders to the ruling class is their attack on the Young Socialists. In the last year, the capitalist press and all available weapons, inLabour Party machine. On September 27 they organised the biggest working-class youth demonstration on a socialist programme ever seen in this country.

This was the only campaigning blow struck for the working class in the whole election campaign!

Should the working class be loyal to Wilson and Co.

and to the witch-hunters who tried to shut down the youth movement, or should the working class defend the Young Socialists, accept their political lead, and fight for socialist policies?

It was argued by all the brands of fake left-wingers that a demonstration like that. of September 27, attacking Wilson's policies and attacking the witch-hunt, as well as attacking the Tories, would damage Labour's election chances.

Servility

This is another variety of the 'loyalty to Labour' argument; it amounts to telling the workers to support uncritically men known to be traitors. That is not loyalty but servility and "boot-licking.

Did the YS demonstration help the Tories?

On the contrary, the Tory 'press played it down to an absolute minimum. Only one paper got near a true figure of the number of demonstrators (3,000). Some completely ignored it. How does this come about, if the YS criticisms of Wilson were supposed to be such a gift to the Tories?!

In fact the opposite is true. A demonstration like this was highly dangerous to the Tories, even in electoral terms, because it raised the real socialist alternative. The working class would not have been put off but Socialists-like the YS-are right to campaign for the only effective way of rejecting Toryism for all time.

One Young Socialist was asked on Iratalgar Square 'What are the Young Socialists?' He replied: 'They are to get rid of the Conservatives for good.' Revolutionary That is the simple but profound meaning of the growing revolutionary socialist youth movement and indicates its importance for the working class.

Some people tell us that strikes will help the Tories' election chances. They ignore the night and day efforts of the employers to avert a dock strike, for instance.

But above all, this argument obscures the fact that over 80 per cent of the British electorate are themselves workers and it is they whose interests are the rock foundation of Labour's electo:al strength.

Real struggles carried through to victory by mass support strengthen working class solidarity and morale and lay the basis for defeating the Tories. It is when the workers' resistance is sabotaged that effective opposition becomes difficult and voters stay at home.

If the vote at the election is seen as part of the same class struggle as the strike, then the problem is soon settled.

Rouse

The best example was the postmen's strike. A resolute fight to a finish in this wage dispute, despite the much-vaunted 'inconvenience to the public', , would have roused millions of low-paid and unorganised workers, as well as others, to a new strength and the Tories could have been brought down.

Minister Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike with members of the Ceylon Coalition Government October NEWSLETTE

SPEAK rid on PEAKING Y TV (October 2) Mr. George Brown Labour's deputy leader, said that Britain was lurching towards the biggest economic crisis we had ever known ... 'Even more worrying is that the Conservatives still pretend nothing is the matter ...

If Brown was a socialist, cluding police provocation, have been turned against the working-class youth.

This youth is the Achilles heel of the bosses' drive to automation and mass unemployment. The youth are rebelling against the authority of the system, here and in the USA-industrially, ideologically, morally, and now politically.

Wherever the Labour Party's Young Socialists turned to campaign on the problems of working class youth, they grew and prospered. Thousands of young government. US car workers stand up to THE Chryster Corporation, the American motor manufacturers whose cut in the U.S. market is topped only by Ford and General Motors, are to lay out vast sums in order to strengthen their position in Europe. *They have now acquired 30 per cent of voting shares and 50 per cent of the non-voting shares in the British Rootes group, makers of Hillman, Humber, Singer and Sunbeam cars.

This was disclosed at a press conference by Mr. Irving J. Minett of the Chrysler Corporation, who said there would now be close technical and commercial collaboration between the companies.

The Corporation intends to build a factory in Malaysia for the manufacture of both Chrysler and Rootes models.

MONOPOLY TREND

In addition to this Chrysler now hold 70 per cent of shares in the French firm of Simca.

Chryslers do not collect shares in order to stick them in an album. These acquisitions are part of the dangerous monopoly trend in the world motor industry. A series of mergers and take-overs now dominate this industry quickly leaving it in fewer and fewer hands.

As if to emphasise this point, the two French motor giants, Citroen and Peugeot have announced that they are to run a joint factory in Argentina for car production.

Those who work for the huge motor concerns know the consequences of the automation schemes and production drives which their size and capital enable them to carry out.

This is what lies behind 'bad labour relations' in the motor industry. This is what causes strikes like last week's massive example when more than 263,000 U.S. car workers closed down 89 General Motors plants.

DISCIPLINE

This firm, renowned for its harsh discipline, was laying down excessive overtime working.

Also, claim union leaders, the SHERIFFS ACCUSED IN MISSISSIPPI MURDER TOWN TWO sheriffs, a deputy sheriff and two patrolmen have been arrested in Philadelphia— where three young Civil Rights workers were murdered three months ago-and accused of depriving a Negro of his rights by detaining and whipping him.

Sheriff Rainey and Deputy Sheriff Price of Neshoba County, former Sheriff Barnett and patrolmen Burke and Willis have been indicted by a Federal jury investigating the murder of the Civil Rights workers.

The arrests are not directly concerned with the murders, but it is expected further charges will be made later. It was deputy Sheriff Price who arrested the workers when they went to investigate the burning of a Negro church in June.

Federal crime

State authorities in Mississippi deal with murder cases and a local jury has refused to indict any of the men.

But the Federal jury of 23 people dealt with the men under the Civil Rights Bill, which makes it a Federal crime to deprive anyone of their rights.

In Vicksburg, Mississippi, on Sunday, two people were slightly injured by an explosion at a Baptist church, which is being used as a voting registration headquarters for Negroes. Six Civil Rights workers and five other people were unhurt.

monopoly Company had been disciplining workers without even telling them what offence they had committed. Actions like this, coupled with the general working conditions in the company's plants, led General Motors workers to demand action.

It must have been with reluctance that Walter Reuther, United Auto Workers leader, called the strike. For friend Walter is not a man to gladly pick a fight with the real bigtime business concerns.

TOUGH NEGOTIATIONS Mindful of his image amongst the UAW's 345,000 General Motors workers and doubtless recalling the UAW's March convention, when there was an angry rebellion by union officers from General Motors demanding a much tougher line in negotiations with the company, Reuther went ahead. Or rather, Reuther went along, for many workers had already walked out before the strike was due to start.

The dispute is almost settled now. But there is a lot more trouble waiting down the line for General Motors, and for the other firms too, because their plans are made regardless of the cost to the worker.

Their plans are governed by the laws of capitalist competition, and those laws are harsh and relentless.

They have to think on a world scale. That is why the stake of the U.S. giants in the European car industry is increasing. So the way in which this small number of very big firms proceeds is going to affect the lives of hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the world, particularly in Britain.

DRASTIC CHANGES

Workers in the Rootes group, for example, are bound to feel the effects. of Chrysler's latest investment programme. Between now and 1968 they intend to invest internationally $1,000 million.

That is big money. Investment on this scale must bring drastic changes in the industry.

New equipment and production methods which this kind of investment can finance are a very real and pressing threat to motor workers everywhere.

Cairo CONFERENCE OF HYPOCRITES IN a wave of publicity, Moise Ishombe of the Congo has been kept out of the Cairo conference of 'non-aligned' nations.

Although he has now landed he is being kept under guard in an old palace while delegates decide whether or not to let him attend.

He was described by Mr. Raul Roa, Cuban Minister of Foreign Affairs, as 'the murderer of Lumumba and the agent of neocolonialism'.

True enough, Tshombe has a despicable and bloody record in the Congo. But it is not markedly different from that of most of the other leaders at present gathered in Cairo.

Hollow label

Reference, for instance, to Tshombe as 'a walking museum for imperialism' rang somewhat hollow coming, as it did, from Ben Bella, French imperialism's number one stooge in Africa, whose own regime has never been too fussy about its methods.

The facade of 'non-alignment' at this conference of hypocrisy was marred by messages of support from important imperialist leaders, including President Johnson.

The last word on 'nonalignment' came from Sir Alec Douglas-Home, who said in his telegram to the conference:

"The countries subscribing to the principles of non-alignment are assured of the total support of the British government in their determination to ensure for their peoples, growing prosperity in peace and independence... advances by

LAST Thursday, the Voetcong established a road block, flying the Vietcong flag, on the main road north of Saigon, less than 20 miles from the city.

Only two miles south down the road is a road block set up by the American-backed government fonces. All vehicles and persons using the road must pass through the two posts.

The Vietcong informed the Saigon government that they were taking over the policing of the road and defied them to dislodge them. So far, the government has not taken up the challenge.

Over the week-end, the Vietcong inflicted heavy casualties On government troops in the area. The Saigon government admits that 23 Vietnamese troops and one American gunner were killed, 43 were wounded and 14 are missing.

Workers' action

In Saigon itself, anti-riot troops patrolled outside the headquarters of the Vietnamese Confederation of Labour in order to prevent a demonstration called by the Confederation.

General Khanh has warned the Confederation that any more 'industrial unrest, like the demonstrations in favour of the redundant "Vimytex' workers (see Newsletter, September 26) would be met with force.

SPLIT IN JAPAN CP FOUR leading members of the Japanese Communist Party, including two MPs, called a press conference last week to explain their reasons for opposing the Party leadership.

The two MPs had been expelled from the Party for voting for the ratification of the Moscow test-ban treaty in defiance of Party instructions. The other two members were suspended for supporting them.

The four attacked the pro-Chinese line of the Party and accused the leadership of high handedness.

It is we who represent the true Communist Party,' they declared. They had no immediate intention of founding a second Communist Party, but would go all out to put the Japanese CP 'back on the right track' AKAHATA, the journal of the Japanese Communist Party, denounced the conference of Communist Parties that the Soviet leadership has called for later this year.

Other Communist Parties have not been consulted, the paper declares, and the only reason that the conference is being held is to provoke a split in the world movement.

In its place, the Japanese Communist Party intends to call a rival conference to discuss 'concerted action against the enemies of the people'.

The Japanese Communist Party is the fourth to refuse to attend the Moscow conference. The other three are: the Chinese, the Albanian and the North Korean Communist Parties.

MORE PRAISE FOR THOREZ DE GAULLE's leading minister, Chaban-Delmas made a speech to the memory of ! Maurice Thorez, the late leader of the French Communist Party, in the French Parliament.

After stating that Thorez took his orders from Moscow, Delmas continued: :

'Does this mean that Maurice Thorez wanted to break with his own country? The answer lies clearly in his best writings on the greatness of France, in which his sincerity is easily seen. It also lies in his public actions at those moments of great difficulty for the national existence, about which de Gaulle himself wrote, a few hours after the death of the leader of the Communist Party: "As for mysell, I cannot forget that at a time that was decisive for France, Maurice Thorez (whatever he may have done before and after), at my call and as a member of my government, contributed to the maintenance of national unity"?

From our Belfast Correspondent FOR four mights la ot west Broken tiles, bottles, bricks, iron the Catholic area of West grids and the contents of shop Belfast was the scene of windows were used as missiles violence which was the worst for nearly 30 years. This followed the removal on 'Molotoy cocktails'. Monday (September 28) of the The Republican leaders broke Irish tricolour by the Royal the law in displaying the flag. Ulster Constabulary from the They saw on Tuesday that this headquarters of the Republi- would lead to violence. On can Party in Divis Street. Thursday their action in reThe Republican Party have vocative. Having stirred up the taken over from Sinn Fein, as youth, they then abandoned the molitical exnression of the them and appealed for law and illegal Irish Republican Army and are contesting all the seats in the General Election.

Police broke into the premises under the arbitrary powers given them by the 'Flags and Emblems Display Act (1954)' which bans the flying of the Irish flag. The flag had been in the window for over a week without any disturbances.

HATRED

This was a deliberate attempt to stir up religious hatred in a constituency where the working class has long been split over religion.

During the election campaign, however, the workers had been showing signs of unity on the common problems of bad housing, unemployment, low-paid jobs and emigration.

On Tuesday (September 29), the Rev. Ian Paisley, leader of the extreme Protestants, held a meeting of 1,000 of his supporters in the city centre. His threats of a demonstration had been used as an excuse by the Unionist government to order the police intervention.

Meanwhile, a crowd nearly twice as large had gathered in Divis Street, composed mainly of youth. A few skirmishes occurred.

The next three nights saw the development of full-scale riots. On Wednesday the local paper described Divis Street as a 'sea of broken glass? . The Republicans replaced the flag on Thursday, but immediately the police smashed their way in again and removed it.

CLASHES

On Thursday night 20 policemen and 12 rioters were taken to hospital and 22 people were arrested. On Friday, a crowd of 4,000, some of whom waved guns, clashed with 500 batonwielding policemen. There were 50 hospital cases and over 50 arrests.

Chanting 'Freedom' and 'We want our flag' the crowd did extensive damage to property.

Indonesian and against the police.

A bus and armoured police wagon were set on fire by placing the flag was doubly proTORY TRAP Mr. Sean Caughey, secretary of the Republican Publicity Directorate and candidate for North Antrim said that, 'Anyone behaving in a disorderly manner will be regarded as enemies of the Republican cause.' The Newsletter defends the youth and workers who walked into this Tory trap. The Republicans have shown their contempt for the working class in exposing them to the violence of the police, the vicious sentences of the courts and the hysterical attacks of the Tory press.

Behind the rioting of the youth lies the frustrations which are common to workers everywhere. They were expressing their hatred of the rotten housing in the ghettolike Divis Street and Falls Road areas and of the unemployment and emigration which predominate among the Catholic working class and of the representatives of the State machine, the police.

INABILITY

The Republicans have no programme to deal with these problems. The youth were using the tricolour, the traditional emblem of Irish nationalism, to express their hatred of the conditions imposed on them by capitalism.

That they will march behind this flag and not the flag of socialism is due to the inability of the Northern Ireland Labour Party leadership to develop a policy which can solve their problems.

Paisley made the following odious statement in the 'Irish Times' (Friday, October 2):

"The disgraceful acts on the Falls Road which have been instigated by the Republican associates of the murderous IRA clearly demonstrates the real character of the Roman Catholic population.

"The replacing of the tricolour at 145 Divis Street with a show of strength is a challenge which cannot be ignored and the Roman Catholic community had which includes three members of the LSSP

THE CHAIRMAN of the Indonesian Communist Party, N. Aidit and a member of the central committee of the Ceylon Communist Party have signed a joint document in Djakarta in support of the position of the Chinese Communist Party.

The majority of the Geylon Communist Party recently declared itself in support of the Soviet position, but a minority has broken away to form the Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist).

Aidit announced that the Indonesian Communist Party would maintain fraternal relations with pro-Chinese minorities in those parties which supported the Soviet leadership. better know that the Loyalist and Protestant people will not capitulate to this illegal and riotous behaviour.' Protestant workers must ignore Paisley. The return of a Tory government is against their interests as much as it is against Catholic workers.

The seeds of religious hatred are sown by such people on behalf of the capitalist class to separate workers whose unity would lead to their downfall.

The limping, crisis-ridden Northern Ireland economy demands such tactics. The only effective answer is a Labour government pledged to socialist policies.

Catholic and Protestant woikers must unite behind Labour candidates in this election.

Gorbals tenants ask Harold Wilson

World News Round-up BELFAST RIOTS "HE autumn issue o • the 'Internation Socialist Review' published by the Socialist Workers Party of the United States contains two articles attacking the Socialist Labour League.

The first is written by E Germain who defends the line of the Pabloite Unified Secretariat in relation to the betrayal by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party majority in Ceylon. The second article is written by Peng Shu-tse, and it is called an 'Open Letter to Gerry Healy, the Man on the Flying Trapeze'.

The publication of these articles marks a change in the policy of the Socialist Workers Party which since the summer of 1963 has been to avoid any discussion with the Socialist Labour League, public or otherwise.

Peng and who he represents We can only express our pleasure that the deadlock has been broken, especially since it is obvious that our exposure of the role of the SWP and the Pabloite Secretariat in relation to Ceylon is responsible for this change of heart. Here we will take up the article of Peng Shu-tse, whilst later issues of the Newsletter will deal extensively with Germain.

Peng Shu-tse is a man who virtually does not represent anybody but himself. In 1954 he broke from the Pabloites together with the leaders of the Socialist Labour League and the Socialist Workers Party. Two years later he was discovered assisting a close relation of his taking documents from a meeting of the International Committee so that his relation, who was an undercover Pabloite, could hand them over to Pablo.

Between the split of 1953 until the SWP returned to the Pabloite fold in 1963, Peng Shu-tse acted as a kind of double agent. When he was instructed by the International Committee, rital wrote articles vaguely critical of Pabloism, whilst still managing, behind the scenes, to retain his toehold in the Pabloite camp.

He was most unhappy during the period when there was close collaboration between the Socialist Labour League leaders and the Socialist Workers Party and yearned for an opportunity to drive a wedge between these two organisations.

Peng the irremovable senator' When the political differences began to widen Peng ran as fast as he could to the aid of the revisionists within the SWP who have adopted him ever since as a kind of political house dog.

He barks at opponents when he is told to and wags his tail in a disgruntled sort of way when asked to be quiet. It is so long since Peng Shu-tse has been an active member of an organised revolutionary party that he has completely lost touch with reality. Trotsky used to describe such people as the 'irremovable senators.

This is the sad side of the story. In his early years, like Cannon and the SWP, he helped to educate some cadres for the Trotskyist movement. Due to the forced isolation of the movement in the United States and the changed situation in China, Cannon and Peng utterly failed to develop Trotsky's teachings in relation to the problems facing the Fourth International and the international working class. This is the root cause of their degeneration as Trotskyists.

No criticism of de Silva-Perera leadership Marxist theory can only be developed through the active daily struggle to build revolutionary parties. This involves constant efforts to find a road to the working class in a way that will attract fresh forces to our movement and train these forces to lead and build the revolutionary party.

For at least 15 years Peng has had absolutely no experience of this kind of work. To him the Socialist Labour League is some kind of ghost-like organisation which is as remote as the daily happenings on the continent of Asia.

During the era of the Colvin de Silva-N. M. Perera leadership of the Ceylon party, he was their most enthusiastic advocate. He had not a single word of criticism to make of them. He just did not want to know what was going on in Ceylon and for that matter did not care.

In his political struggle with the SLL he constantly reaffirmed the legend about the great mass party in Ceylon. But now the scene has changed. Without batting an eyelid Peng Shu-tse voted for over 500 members to be expelled from the Ceylon Party last July.

Peng and the SLL The SLL has emerged as the strongest single party of Trotskyism in any country of the world. Its cadres have repeatedly inflicted defeats on the most powerful right-wing bureaucracy in the labour movement in Western Europe.

They do not require a big explanation about Peng Shu-tse. They know him as a Pabloite and they know what the Pabloites do in the British labour movement. Whenever there is a fight in the trade unions, in the Labour Party or in the youth movement, they line up solidly with the right wing against the SLL. Just as in the case of events in Ceylon, Peng does not want to know about this.

'Let me ask,' he says, "just where and when have you ever "fully" supported the left wing (Ceylon).' Please give us an itemized list of your declarations' We might just as well ask 'where have you been sleeping during the past four years, Peng Shu-tse?' In 1959, when Doric de Souza, at present a leader of the revisionists, visited London, we insisted so strongly on the course of betrayal that they had undertaken, that he broke off political relations with us. We did the same with Colvin de Silva.

The Newsletter published a declaration opposing the overtures towards coalition which were then gathering support in the Ceylon party.

In 1963, when a prominent leader of the LSSP revolutionary wing visited London early in June, we not only pledged him our fullest support but urged upon him the necessity to prepare for a split.

The IC and Ceylon In July 1963, the International Committee of the Fourth International, to which we are affiliated, published the following extract on Ceylon, in its Manifesto "Twenty-Five Years of the Fourth International':

"The most instructive example of opportunist degeneration, assisted, if not inspired, by Pablo, is the Lanka Sama Samaja Party in Ceylon. In 1954, at the time of the split in the Fourth International, the leaders of this party took an equivocal position.

(Yet only a few months prior to this a minority advocating a Pabloite policy split from the LSSP. The leaders, however, refused to draw any political conclusions from this split.)

In return, Pablo actively encouraged the opportunism of the L.S.S.P. leaders who today have replaced their revolutionary pretensions with the most servile crawling before bourgeois parties and regimes. In 1960, the L.S.S.P.

be it noted, was prepared to form a coalition government with Mrs. Bandaranaike and the bourgeois Sri Lanka Freedom Party.

These leaders are petty-bourgeois charlatans masquerading as Marxists. If anyone doubts it let him read the Transitional Programme on the tasks of the International and contrast it with the policies of the L.S.S.P.

"There is not and there cannot be a place for it in any of the People's Fronts. It uncompromisingly gives battle to all political groupings tied to the apron-strings of the bourgeoisie...

The International Committee is confident that the many hundreds of devoted Communists in the L.S.S.P.

will successfully reaffirm the principles and programme of the Fourth International and purge the party of revisionism and the revisionists.' Betrayal is prepared It would have been preferable if Peng Shu-tse had not barked on this occasion but merely wagged his tail. The record of political struggle against the Ceylon revisionists by the Socialist Labour League is well known to everyone intimately connected with the world movement.

The SLL claims that the leadership of the Unified Secretariat assisted the revisionists to capitulate to Mrs. Bandaranaike. Here again briefly are the facts.* 1. In a communication to the LSSP early in 1960 Pablo and Germain agreed that it was possible 'to permit practical noclash agreements with the SLFP', the party of Mrs. Bandaranaike. It was this compromise which encouraged * A full analysis is now contained in the pamphiet Ceylon: The Great Betrayal obtained from the Socialist Labour Lague, price 1/3d., post free. N. M. Perera to make the following statement to the party. before the 1960 election:

Concretely the L.S.S.P.

party will have to take the following steps. First of all enter into a no-contest pact to fight the forthcoming elections. In the campaign itself to declare our readiness to support the formation of an S.L.F.P. (Sri Lanka Freedom Party) government.

This must not be hedged about with conditions otherwise we will weaken the forces ready to rally round an alternative government. Secondly, steps must be taken to bring about a programmatic agreement with the S.L.F.P. with a view to forming a joint government.' This statement was sent to Pablo and Germain in Paris who did not make the slightest criticism of it.

The full text is contained in the pamphlet 'Ceylon: The Great Betrayal'.

2. At this time the LSSP began to change their position over the citizenship rights of the Tamil workers. This led to the break-up of the Lanka Estate Workers' Union which was /under their control. Neither Pablo nor the Secretariat made the slightest criticism about this betrayal.

3. The United Left Front, apart from the LSSP, consisted of the Communist Party (Moscow wing) and the MEP, the party of Philip Goonewardene. Both of these parties at different times supported coalition with Mrs. Bandaranaike. In other words, two-thirds of the so-called United Left Front was politically in her pocket. When the platform for this United Left Front came up for discussion, the citizenship rights of the Tamil workers was again raised. At first, Peng, now a member of the Unified Secretariat, criticised the tendency of Perera and de Silva to capitulate on this question but they then found a formula which enabled them to find a way out.

On July 1, 1963 (after the unification), they wrote to Leslie Goonewardene, Secretary of the ISSP? as certainly an improve- agreeing that the final draft ment' and that 'we recognise that there is nothing wrong in the principle of negotiations between India and Ceylon on the subject'.

This is almost identical with the formula of Harold Wilson, right-wing leader of the Labour Party, in his support for the Tory Immigration Act.

He stresses that the future of immigration into Britain should be matter of consultation between Commonwealth governments.

Of course, the Socialist JUST OUT: A SocIALIST LaBOUr LEAGUe CEYLON: The great betrayal Containing: • Two reports from Ceylon by G. Healy dealing with the background and developments behind the Lanka Sama Samaja Party Coalition and the role that the United Secretariat in Europe played in this betrayal.

A statement by the International Committee of the Fourth International.

Complete resolutions submitted by the three tendencies represented by the LSSP Congress of June 1964. • Correspondence from the International Secretariat to the LSSP. Price 1/-. Obtainable from 186a Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4. Labour League does not oppose a United Front struggle between parties of the working class on specific issues, but that is not what was involved in the United Left Front in Ceylon.

Peng helps provide cover for coalition What was involved there was that Perera, de Silva and Goonewardene were using it as a cover to prepare for the coalition. Peng and the so-called Unified Secretariat in Paris provided the cover all along the line for such a policy.

They prevented a discussion from taking place inside the Secretariat and the groupings around their movement early in 1964, by instructing their followers along this line:

'However, the United Secretariat feels that it would be wrong for it as a body representing the movement as a whole (sic) to brush aside the declarations of the majority of the L.S.S.P. leadership and refuse to grant them the time needed. to. prove in action the sincerity of their stand in relation to the United Left Front and the good faith of their assurances.

Peng Shu-tse supported this proposal. The record is there for all to see and we will later publish a symposium of the main documents outlining the relationship between the Paris Pabloite Secretariat and the LSSP leadership over ten years.

Peng and allies discussion Pen Shu-tse spreads the legend that the SLL broke away from • Hourth internationa We did nothing of the sort.

In September 1963 to the Pabloite Secretariat suggesting that we should immediately commence an international discussion with a view to holding a world conference and unifying our forces in October 1964.

This was refused by Peng Shu-tse and his allies on the grounds that international discussion would endanger the which, as we have seen, assed which, as we have seen, assisted the Ceylon revisionists.

The Socialist Labour League wanted to place the Ceylon issue as item number one for international discussion. Had our proposals been accepted there is no doubt that the present revolutionary wing of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party would have been greatly strengthened and the revisionists weakened.

Next issue: Why Peng Shu-tse and Cannon can no longer be considered Trotskyists.

GEYLON The great betrayal Two reports fron Ceylon by C. Healy * Crispa

U voting was taken to call off the Hardy Spicer inspectors' strike on NION officials 'agreed not to divulge the figures for and against, when Monday. But they had to agree that the meeting was "pretty stormy' and that the strikers only agreed to resume work 'very reluctantly'.

The inspectors walked out on a claim for an additional 9d. an hour pay. All that they have gained is an extra 3d. an hour, backdated to June 29, plus an extra 2d. an hour temporary bonus. Women inspectors are to get 2d. an hour plus one and one-third of a penny temporary bonus. During the next four weeks, while the temporary bonus is paid, the unions and the company are to negotiate a revised bonus scheme.

Workers were urged at the strike meeting to 'demonstrate their anger at the polls on October 15'.

As a result of the majority vote to call off the strike, work was resumed at the factory on Monday night.

Hardy Spicer's workers deeply resent the contemptuous remarks of Mr. Herbert Hill, chairman of Birfield Ltd., the engineering firm which controls Hardy Spicer.

This gentleman, after stating there would be no advance on the firm's offer of 3d. an hour is said to have declared: "They are all doing frightfully well. They are being much overpaid for the work they are doing.' He is then reported to have added the now-notorious remark: 'Some of us have to fight —and really for our workers in the end, because, poor dears, they have a pretty poor mentality' The inspectors, described he Ilill no Canine frichtfallv wy em as uumg mguyuny well', are, in fact, getting £6 to t7 a week less than average in the car industry and something like £3 a week less than other inspectors in the industry.

No leadership Some of these workers, when stoppages have been made, take home not much more than £12 a week. Women inspectors, doing the same work as the men, take home less than £10 for 42 hours' work.

The quality of leadership, forthcoming for the workers from officials of the three unions involved, was hesitant and timid from first to last.

At the end of last week the unions were stated to be considering giving the strikers official support. Nothing further was heard of this.

Mr. Harold Wood, Birmingham Organiser of the National Society of Metal Mechanics, was full of fiery indignation when the news first broke of Hill's reported 'poor mentality' remarks.

'We challenge Mr. Hill to repeat these remarks in front of his workers. We are going to ask him to apologise,' said Mr. Wood.

Very shortly afterwards the mood had altered. 'We are trying to ignore the remarks and treat them with the contempt they deserve,' announced Mr. Wood.

Harold Wilson, in his statement that an enquiry would be held into the strike if Labour was elected to office, revealed himself as being more concerned with votes and his party's electoral chances than with the interests of workers at Hardy Spicer's and other similar factories.

Only solution These remarks reveal an anti-working class attitude of mind which has persisted in the right-wing leadership of the Labour movement since Ramsay MacDonald.

Herbert Hill and his kind do not pull their punches in their unremitting struggle to create higher profits from increased exploitation of the workers.

He is a member of the Central Council of the Economic League, an organisation which exists 'to combat nationalization and subversion in industry, and to teach economic truths to industrial workers'.

The labour movement should teach this outfit a few economic truths by firmly stating its belief that nationalization is the only solution for present economic problems.

Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper rinted by Plough Press Ltd. (1U), r.o.

30 Clapham Hish Street. London, S.W.4 Published by The Newsletter. 1864 Clapham High Street, London, S.W.4 Midlands Correspondent

THERE was a complete stoppage on Middlesbrough docks for a day last week. A thousand dockers took action, in a port where there have not been a great number of strikes in the past, as an answer to the attempts of the port bosses to tighten discipline.

Traditional custom

The employers sought to use the recent 40-hour week agreement to cut out the traditional custom whereby men were permitted to go home a short period before the end of their shift if they had loaded a substantial amount of cargo.

Unlike dockers in other ports, Middlesbrough dockers work two shifts. After the 40-hour week came into operation, employers began reporting men to the Dock Labour Board for knocking off early.

The dockers decided Loscoe Council forced make promises houses LOSCOE Tenants' Association is continuing its campaign for decent living conditions.

Last week a delegation from the association met the Housing Sub-committee of the Featherstone Council and its Health Inspector.

They demanded immediate repairs, especially to roofs, before the onset of winter; definite pledges about rehousing; essential work such as repairs to the wall which borders a ratinfested beck, and improvements to toilets and drains.

The tenants also insisted that houses should be condemned as they fell vacant and not allowed to be re-let.

ELUSIVE

After they were finally pinned down, the elusive Featherstone councillors were forced to make some promises. They pledged: • The beck wall would be repaired 'immediately'. • No houses would be re-let.

They would 'use their powers' to get landlords to do essential repairs. • The health inspector would visit Loscoe to deal with the stinking drains. • Early rehousing (for tenants who would accept re-lets in any district this would be 'fairly soon').

Five days after this meeting no apparent steps had been taken other than some men having been to measure the gap in the beck wall. Meanwhile, a young boy from Argylle Street has fallen through the hole and broken his collar bone.

Tenants have insisted on a further meeting and the councillors have agreed to visit Loscoe on October 13.

Loscoe people, however, have a lot of experience of glowing promises being made at election times and then being forgotten.

If there is not a lot of visible progress to be seen by October 13, the councillors are in for a hot time. work-to-rule and an overtime ban because of their dissatisfaction at the way the 40-hour week was operated.

Further action—the one-day stoppage—was decided on when three men who had loaded an average of 360 tons a shift were reported for finishing early.

When the dockers returned to work, they decided that any disciplinary action against men reported for finishing early would lead to a further stoppage.

Partial victory

Their strike won a partial victory. When the local Dock Labour Board met two days afterwards it took no decision on the men who had been reported.

Transport and General Workers' officials are meeting the employers to discuss the operation of the 40-hour week locally.

Dublin building workers strike BUILDING workers throughout Dublin and Southern Ireland took part in a ballot last week to decide on whether proposals on a shorter working week should be accepted by the 17 unions involved.

Over 42,000 workers voted in what has been the most serious issue ever to hit the building industry of Southern Ireland.

Dublin workers came out on strike, the biggest since 1937, seven weeks ago in support of their claim for a 40-hour week.

Employers claim it has held up contracts worth more than £20 millions.

Militancy

The main fear of the bosses now is that militancy will spread to involve employees in the Dublin Corporation, the Dublin County Council and Dublin Port and Docks Board.

Although many men have been thrown out of work during the strike--and as a result the press has slated the building workers' strike - the workers have stood firm for their demands.

Great play has been made of how many thousands of pounds the strike has been costing the unions.

FORDS WILL SACK SHOCKED Ford workers were told on Tuesday that between 600 to 800 of the firm's employees would become redundant in the next few weeks at the firm's Dagenham works.

Men have been offered jobs at the new Ford factory at Halewood, Liverpool. 'Many did not want a transfer,' said a company spokesman. Perhaps the workers have heard of the tremendous speed-up introduced at this ultra-modern factory.

First dismissals begin on October 23.

Many of the workers are surprised about the sacking news because there is no lack of orders.

They are being given one week's money for every year of service-some have only been with the firm 18 months.

BILL JOINT committee of employers and trade union leaders in the engineering industry begins its sessions on October 16. Engineering workers should take serious warning.

At these meetings an unholy deal can be tied up. It will be a deal with the aim of ensuring continuous production and continuous profit for big business in engineering; it will have the aim of boxing up militancy and tightening discipline in the factories.

These meetings are to discuss a 'package deal' over the 40hour week.

During the past few months, however, it has become clear that the trade union leaders and big employers who lead the Engineering Employers' Federation have essential agreement The engineering employers want to use new techniques and to use automation, with labour completely under their domination.

They want continuous production and a docile, flexible labour force.

In this requirement the engineering employers and the trade union leaders have common ground-common opposition to the militancy of the. rank and file.

NO TROUBLE Engineering bosses do not want trouble which interrupts profits and trade union bureaucrats do not want trouble which interrupts routine and disturbs relations with the employers.

Both want to cage militancy.

An offer has been made by the employers of a 40-hour week before the end of next year; a new 'fall-back' wage by successive stages; a day's extra holiday at l Christmas and … a small increase for apprentices.

Although a campaign for equal pay for women has been going on for years, the employers are only raising the womens' rate to that of the male labourer-at the end of three years!

An increase in the minimum time rate of 30s., again, to be paid in instalments over three years, has been offered. The employers demand an end to local, sectional and occupational agreements which raise wages and conditions above the nationally agreed level and they demand 'increased mobility of labour'.

No resistance is being put up by the union leaders to the main aims of the employers.

They are simply negotiating for extra sugar to coat the pill.

NATIONAL STANDSTILL - Last June, when John Boyd gave his Presidential address to the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions, he declared that the employers' proposals on the minimum time rate would mean a three-year national standstill for anything up to 89 per cent of engineering workers.

But he told the Confederation conference that, if the engineering workers were sincere in wishing to raise minimum rates in the industry, those earning more would have to agree to a wages standstill-though not for as long as three years.

Ted Hill, leader of the Boilermakers' Union, declared the employers proposals were a load of tripe' when they were put forward.

But this man has become expert over the years at making militant sounds which provide a cover for the actions of rightwing leaders.

Hill has not sought to explain to engineering workers what the employers are up to and has not campaigned among workers to August 20 was received by Mrs. organise them against the em- Josephine Collins, Chairman of ployers' plans. More, he has the Tenants' Committee. not said what the leaders of the Dear Madam, unions are up to.

First, these leaders declared the 17th inst. requesting that I emphatically that they would should receive a deputation not discuss the 40-hour week as from the Hutchesontown and part of a package deal. It had to be negotiated on separately. do not propose to see such a But then, a fortnight ago, they deputation. came to an agreement with the employers that the 42-hour week the local representatives of should be reduced by an hour on December 7.

constantly under review. In a JOINT COMMITTEE short time you will be surprised Then they slipped into at the developments which are arrangements for a joint com- at present being planned and mittee to have general discussions. These discussions are, soon as it is practicable to in fact, on how to grease the commence operations. employers' 'strings' so they will slip more easily round the necks any representations to make I would advise you to consult of engineering workers.

your local Ward representatives And what has Hill to say? who are always up-to-date with Nothing!

all matters affecting the Wards An economic crisis is deve- they represent. loping. On the same day Yours sincerely, (September 23) that "The Guardian' reported the meeting to be held on October 16, it commented in an adjoining column: about plans which are to come 'Export prospects for Britain's engineering industry are not so practicable to commence operabright as many manufacturers had believed earlier this year.' living in the Gorbals.

With their export and profit prospects darkening, engineering years behind schedule. bosses are going to squeeze the last ounce out of their workers.

At this time, not to rouse the ment, Mrs. Collins wrote on engineering workers against the employers' plans, but to assist Harold Wilson. them to shackle rank-and-file militancy, is downright treachery. Tenants MP for the Gorbals. Dear Sir, demand decent gotten area.

new homes TENANTS in the Gorbals district of Glasgow, who have fought tenaciously during the past six months against appalling housing conditions, and who succeeded in getting some of the worst properties condemned, are now engaged in a further tussle with the Corporation.

Families at 165 Camden Street, one of the condemned places. properties described in previous issues of The Newsletter, have been offered alternative accommodation.

One family was offered a three-apartment flat with bathroom and small kitchenette.

When they saw their new home they were appalled by the dirty and dilapidated conditions. like the Gorbals.... One of the tenants commented, 'Because we come from the Gorbals they think anything is good enough for us.' Offered a slum Another family with three Corporation children, including a boy of 14 and a girl of 12, were offered a room and kitchen in Bridgeton —another of Glasgow's slum questions. areas.

A third family were offered accommodation which was reasonable, but too far away from the husband's work.

All the tenants concerned have refused to accept the alternative accommodation offered to them. They are determined they will not be pushed around by corporation officials and they are not prepared to accept accommodation, which in a year housing problems. or two, will be as bad as that which they have fought to get condemned.

These tenants will continue their fight until they are re- in decent surroundings housed in conditions which are acceptable to them.

By MICKI Labour Lord Provost of Glasgow, Peter Meldrum, to receive a deputation on the question of the shocking housing conditions in which they have to live, have met with rebuff.

The following letter, dated mean that present plans, which are very much behind schedule will be brought up to date or can we expect that those parts of the redevelopment plan which I have received your letter of are scheduled for 1980 will be brought forward and put into operation during the next five years, if Labour is elected as Gorbals Tenants' Association. I the majority party in Parliament?

Will the Labour government I have had discussions with take special emergency measures to deal with areas like the Gorbals and Hutchesontown Gorbals?

Wards as the whole matter is Will powers be granted Glasgow Corporation to requisition empty property, as an emergency measure, to house families in desperate need whilst which will come into effect as rebuilding is taking place?

Will a Labour Government give full facilities to Glasgow In the meantime if you have Corporation to immediately acquire, by compulsory purchase, all rented tenements in the Gorbals and to maintain them in reasonable, habitable condition, until such time as tenants can be rehoused?

We understand that you will Peter Meldrum, probably be in Glasgow in Lord Provost. October, during the election campaign. Would you be preThe Lord Provost's comments Spared to meet a deputation into effect 'as soon as it is from the Gorbals Tenants Association, in the Gorbals, and tions' mean nothing to families to see for yourself the appalling conditions in which we live?

They know only too well Mr. Wilson has not answered the questions put to him by the that present plans are two Gorbals tenants. The following Unable to get satisfaction note, dated September 18 was received by Mrs. Collins from from the local Labour moveLa Mr. George Caunt,.. who. is, presumably, Mr. Wilson's secrebehalf of the tenants to Mr.

tary.

The Newsletter presents part Dear Miss Collins, of this letter, a copy of which Mr. Harold Wilson has asked vas sent to Mrs. Alice Culler me to thank you for your letter of the 16th September about housing conditions in the Gorbals.

I am writing to you on behalf We do appreciate the appalof the Gorbals Tenants' Asso- ling conditions under which so ciation and families who are many families have to live condemned to live in this for- which is largely the result of Tory housing policy over the No doubt you read the report last 13 years. on the Gorbals which appeared I enclose a copy of our in the London Times of August Electon Manifesto which sets 31st. Whilst it presented a out our housing policy in some graphic picture of the conditions detail. which tenants in the Gorbals Yours sincerely, have to endure, it was by no George Caunt. means a complete report. Only The contemptuous tone of those who have visited the the Lord Provost's letter and Gorbals, talked with the tenants the total disregard by Wilson and seen their 'homes' have any of the questions raised by the tions which exist here., We idea of the intolerable condi- Gorbals tenants is an insult to the workers and their believe these are the worst slums families who have to live in in Britain and that no human such conditions. being should be forced to suffer the indignity of living in such SUCH AN ATTITUDE MUST NOT BE TOLERATED The Gorbals Tenants' Asso- BY THE LABOUR MOVEciation was formed earlier this MENT. year to fight against these con- If Wilson will not speak out, slum areas in Glasgow are now ditions and tenants from othes with really determined policies to solve the housing problem joining with us in our campaign.

We believe that extra special and demolish the slums, then the thousands of workers who measures are required at govern- will be voting Labour on the problem of rehousing areas ment level, to immediately tackle October 15 must tell him what action they expect from a Labour government on this We have requested Mr. question.

Michael Noble, Secretary of Labour's manifesto states: State for Scotland to receive a '.. we do not intend to have deputation from the tenants. an election auction on housing Mr. Noble has referred our figures. It is no good having request back to the Glasgon paper plans for houses if—as the present Minister of Housing As the Leader of the Labour is now discovering-you haven't Party and possibly the next the bricks to build them.' Prime Minister, we would like This is no answer to those to ask you the following who desperately need homes to live in.

What concrete plans does the Labour Party have for clearing • Labour can provide the the Gorbals and similar slum bricks by nationalizing and planning the building industry eas and rehousing the famili and subsidiary supplying in: decent homes at rents th can afford to pay? The recentl dustries. issuea manifesto The New • Labour can provide the Britain' states that Labour will finance for house building by 'Accelerate slum clearance taking over the big insurance and concentrate aid and re- companies and finance houses.

sources more heavily on those • Labour can end the rent authorities with the biggest racketeering by ending the private ownership of property but this does not answer the by big landlords. question as to when families in THESE ARE THE DEthe Gorbals and other slum MANDS WHICH MUST BE areas can expect to be rehoused MADE ON THE LABOUR What is meant by 'accelerate GOVERNMENT TO SOLVE slum clearance'? Does it merely THE HOUSING PROBLEM.