The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 377

TSoe Nistionas called it L May ity Socialists has called a Lobby of Parliament February 4, to demand an immediate payment the increases of old age pensions and that these backdated to November 1, 1964.

Every section of the labour movement, young and old, will welcome this call to action which affects millions of trade unionists. It coincides with therequest, made in The Newsletter last week, that the increase should be backdated to early November.

Why should not the old people have the same privileged position as that accorded to membens of the civil service unions when recently their pay increases were backdated over a considerable period? Demand with us:

Dave Ashby, the National Chairman of the Young Socialists (Majority) has issued the following statement: • All Statement This winter many old people old people The only will die for the simple reason that they do not have enough money to buy food and fuel. It is nothing short of a disgrace that this should happen under a Jabour government that promised increases as a top priority for 13 years.

Wilson has said that old people will have to wait until the end of March. By then the cost of living will have gone up as a result of the rise in the Bank Rate and 15 per cent surcharge on imports.

Millions of working class people voted the Labour government into power to get something done about high rents, the rising cost of living, the Tory wage freeze and miserly pensions. But Wilson takes his orders from the 'gnomes of Zurich' - the internațional bankers.

Wage increases for workers are being halted. The demands of apprentices for increased wages and improved conditions are turned down. Workers, who are too old to any longer assist the employers make their profits, are denied an adequate pension, while apprentices are exploited and refused a wage on which they can keep themselves.

The employers and bankers' only interested in workers, whether they are young or old, is how much profit they can make out of them. Youth are used as cheap labour and old age pensioners starved.

Why should the workers be made to pay for the crisis that the Tories and bosses have created?

MAKE THE TORIES PAY —NOT THE WORKERS!

We call on all Young Socialists, old age pensioners, rank and file members of the Labour Party and trade unions, shop stewards' committees, and INJUNCTION AGAINST TUGMEN THE first-ever injunction retaking industrial action from straining a union was granted in a hearing in Chambers on Tuesday. Members of the Watermen, Lightermen, Tugmen and Bargemen's Union, which was involved in the famous Stratford v. Lindley case last year, were restrained from interfering with the crews of two sand dredgers, owned by a Cardiff firm. The union bad declared the dredgers 'black' following a dispute last November.

of the Young the 'arliament on e pavment of workers—young and where to join:

A mass Lobby of Parliament on Thursday February 4 Immediate increases age pensioners.

All increases to be backdated to November 1.

A government for the workers and not the banks.

The only way to solve the crisis is through socialist policies of nationalization. 9 Act now The Newsletter appeals to all Labour Party members, trade unionists, Co-operators and Young Socialists to immediately go into action and organise the largest possible delegations to Parliament on February 4. Do not let the old people down now!

What does the pre-election slogan of 'Labour Cares' mean if we do not take active steps to defend the rights of those who can only hope for assistance if the labour movement rallies to their cause?

BUS OVERTIME BAN ENDS HE delegate conference of London busmen this week decided to call off its overtime ban in protest against reduced services. An agreement made in talks with the London Transport Board provides that no cuts will be made this year but cuts to be made this month following traffic surveys will be carried out. The 40-hour week will apply from March, but will not take effect until October. Crews will receive an extra £1 1s. 3d. overtime pay IN the history of conflict between Marxism and other tendencies within the international workers' movement there is little doubt that the political struggle between Stalin and Trotsky was the most bitter and fundamental in its scope. alin physically annihilated the Bolshevik old guard. He murdered Trotsky's leading collaborators, including his SOn Sedov, and in the end he assassinated Trotsky himself. et in the course of this long and bloody conflict Trotsky never departed from the fundamental principles of class solidarity established especially during the struggle to build the Bolshevik Party in Russia. e never solicited assistance from the capitalist class or its agents in his fight with Stalinism. He was foremost in demanding the expulsion of those amongst his disciples who departed from this principle. otskyism to him was a continuation of Bolshevism, which was based upon irreconcilable conflict with the ruling class and its agents. Either a revolutionary party could be built on this principle or it could not be built at all. That is Dave Ashby, Chairman of the Young Socialists National Committee (Majority) speaking at the 'Keep Left meeting. Seated are Dave Longley (publisher) and Aileen Jennings who was unanimously elected editor Young Socia ANSWERING the slanders • of the press and the witch-hunt of the right-wing Labourites in Transport House, 'Keep Left', the paper for socialist youth, held its annual general meeting last Saturday.

The Newsletter, which has constantly battled for a socialist programme against similar odds, sent reporters to the meeting, Where over 450 Young Socialists crowded into the Conway Hall, London.

It was a scene to send shudders running through Transport House and Fleet Street.

At its first annual meeting since it was proscribed by the Labour Party in 1962, 'Keep Left's editor was democratically elected by representatives of its whole readership amongst Young Socialists and ex-members of the Young Communist League.

OPEN ELECTION

No other newspaper, or organisation, not even the 'democrats' in Transport House, would allow an open election by Mods, Rockers, students, apprentices, unemployed and young workers of an editor and a London editorial board with national alternates.

And what other newspaper could announce in its financial report that, during the past year, it has appeared, without adverWhat Trotsky taught the cadres of the Fourth International.

Stalin, on the other hand, continuously violated this principle. | His secret police informed on Trotskyists to the class enemy.

In his persecution of Trotsky he cynically sought out support from the most reactionary class forces. Trotsky never tired of explaining that the struggle with Stalinism must be fought out within the workers' movement as one which concerned the working class only.

This principle is now being trodden underfoot by the Pabloite United Secretariat in Paris.

One of their disciples in Britain, namely S. Mani, proposed and • voted for the expulsion of alleged supporters of the Socialist Labour League during a meeting which was guarded over by the police. These police were called to deal with the supporters of the people whose expulsion was : being discussed.

Or several weeks prior to the incident, Mani collaborated with the most reactionary right wing Labour agent in preparing the ground for this shabby episode.

le Socialist Labour League action Large turn-out at paper's AGM tising revenue, and still shown 'credit' on its balance sheet?

The strength of 'Keep Left' and the Young Socialists, who have constantly campaigned for socialist programme during the last four years—since Transport House reopened the Young Socialists—was demonstrated to the full at this meeting.

In fact, it is through such campaigns, on issues of unemployment, police violence, wage freeze, more recently the pension increase, and especially the struggle against a four-year succession of witch-hunting, expassions, prostiptony trans and dissolution by the hatchet men of Transport House, backed by their friends in Fleet Street, that 'Keep Left' and the Young Socialists have gained their strength.

It is this same strength that produces such amazing amounts of money from political youth, and youth just coming into politics—over f87 was taken, mostly in notes, in a ten-minute collection.

To those gentlemen in "Tribune' who, in the issue of last weekA section of the large audience at the meeting.

Saturday, January 9, 1965 Class solidarity wrote to the 'United Secretariat' and submitted all the facts, including a copy of the Minutes of the Executive Committee of this particular Labour Party which proved conclusively that t their supporter, S. Mani, collaborated with the right wing.

ley were asked to reply within three weeks, which they have failed to do. Meanwhile, it is clear that they, in fact, support the actions of Mani. ' They do this on the grounds of their Sinosition to the policies of the Thus, the naked treachery of all this tribe of centrists reveals itself.

When Trotsky and the Fourth International, which he founded, defended the Stalinists against persecution and expulsion in the workers' movement, they did not insist that the Stalinists concerned should agree with our policies. Solidarity is a class question, not a question of demanding that end, played their role of supporting the witch-hunt against youth by pleading with the right wing at Transport House to change the structure of the Young Socialists and call a conference in February, the 'Keep Left' meeting was also a smack in the eye.

Chairman of the National Committee (Majority) of the Young Socialists, Dave Ashby, said that "Tribune's plea revealed the hopelessness and bankruptcy of these 'lefters'.

'Tribune' was attempting to create the idea of a non-labour movement youth group. But that was wishful thinking. "They want us out of the way. But we will be there at every encounter.' The fake 'lefts' were really worried about the announcement by the National Committee (Majority) that the YS national conference will be held in Morecambe.

They had appealed to the right wing to call a conference before February because it might go against 'Keep Left'.

APPLICATIONS

You would think so with the number of expulsions and closures of branches. But let's put their minds at rest, said Ashby announcing that he had received hundreds of applications for delegates' and visitors' cards for the conference from Young Socialists branches all over the country; branches closed by the right wing, and 'official' branches.

'Tribune' and the right wing knew the Young Socialist supporters of 'Keep Left' had taken the initiative, and the article in "Tribune' boiled down to an attack on the Morecambe conference, even though the writer didn't manage to say who was organising the conference.

Ashby said the Young Socialists had learned the lesson of the "Tribune'ite left, that the right wing cannot be beaten by arguments and appeals, but by building a movement.

'Already we are 1,000 times stronger than Foot, Mikardo and company,' he said.

Twenty-year-old Aileen Jennings was elected by the meeting as one of the youngest editors of any paper in Britain.

A journalist with some considerable experience gained on (Cont. p. 2, col. I)

people agree with your policies in advance before you defend them. tis, in fact, is what the Stalinists insisted upon. In the United States when the Trotskyists were imprisoned under the infamous Smith Act in 1944, the Stalinists refused to defend them because they were Trotskyists.

le SLL did not hesitate to organise demonstrations to defend Pablo against his imprisonment and demand his release when he was incarcerated in Holland during 196061. That was our duty and we stood by it.

›mething more is involved than just the question of S. Mani.

Pabloism leads to liquidation of the cadres of the Fourth International and adaptation to bureaucracy.

leading Pabloite supporter of Mani in London declared that he fully supports the right wing in their expulsion of SLL sympathisers and that the right wing of the Labour Party are 'doing a good job' when they expel them. These are matters national revolutionary move- ot urgent concern for the interment.

1963 a delegation from United Secretariat and page of the 'Sunday Mirror', is a smokescreen deliberately designed to obscure the real reasons for the chaotic state in Britain's docks industry.

The major causes of congestion in the ports are not the responsibility of the dockers at all and the press moguls know that full well.

But with the Devlin Committee of Enquiry into the docks, now in its final stages of preparing its report, the big business powers who manipulate the mass propaganda media are striving to create an atmosphere for an attack upon the dockers' wages and working conditions. They aim to stampede the Devlin Committee and the Labour government into action to solve the problems of the docks by increased exploitation of the labour force.

Showdown

For years port employers have wanted a showdown to break the solidarity of the dockers and create a docile disciplined labour force which would be forced to accept full mobility-flexibility in manning scales, the return of the 'stands' and the 'muscle feeling' under the system of employers' hiring and firing. -They postponed that showdown last year during the wages fight because conditions were not favourable. Trade was running high as a result of the false boom created by the Tories for electoral purposes and they also had to consider the Tories' election chances. A strike of dockers would have won the sympathy of other workers because of the miserable level of the basic wage.

Last but not least, the solidarity and organisation displayed by the dockers on a national scale during last year shook the employers rigid.

Quick turn-round

It is now clear that the employers have decided to have that showdown this year.

The big monopolists and financiers see the solution to the economic crisis through an increase in exports. For this they require a quicker turn around of ships and a cut in transport costs.

Attempts by the press to blame the chaos in the docks on the week-end overtime ban in London, on inter-union rivalry (between the Transport and General Workers' Union and the National Amalgamated Stevedores and Dockers), on the 'welt system' on Merseyside, or on the 'BloodyMinded, Selfish, Arrogant' dockers who took New Year's day off, is a red herring.

Socialist Labour League investigated the activity of this same man S. Mani. He had presented the name of a known supporter of the Socialist Labour League to the right wing of the Labour Party. Both sides then unanimously condemned him. After a promise from him that he would not repeat such a grave mistake, the matter was allowed to drop. e appeal to every member of the international working class movement who calls himself a Trotskyist to immediately intervene on this question. there is any doubt concerning the intentions of the United Secretariat in Paris then there is one way to clear it up. e, for our part, are prepared to support the setting up of an international commission with an equal number of members from each side. We will submit all the facts on the case to this commission, which should be empowered to interview everyone concerned in the case and investigate all the relevant material. 'e have no doubt as to the successful outcome of the deliberations of this commission so far as the Socialist Labour League is concerned. duced and required for British industry: an industry controlled and run by gang of profitsucking companies.

backbone of these companies is paine glines like Cunard, Peo, Furness Withy, Union Castle, Alfred Holts, and Booker Bros.

These firms acquired their wealth in the days of 'Empire building' by the violent exploitation of colonial workers and peasants and press-ganged seamen. They Cary Tenne of parasitic shareholders demanding and receiving high annual dividends It Is these people who responsible for the state of docks not the dockers.

Since 1945 the profits of the dock and shipping companies are estimated be about €3,000 mion. During that period the amount of capital expenditure on dock construction and mechanisahas been only £200 million nanonally.

Even Lord Rochdale was forced to conclude that this 'can only be regarded as surprisingly small.

The Financial Times' transport correspondent reported on January

No Wage Freeze! 1y Old Age Pensione Increase Now!

Full Support for Dockers London Conway Hall, Red Square, W.C.1 urday, January 16, 7.30 p.l Speakers: G. Healy, Peter Kerrigan, NASD (in a personal capacity)

Newcastle Bridge Hotel Sunday, January 17, 7.30 p.m.

Speaker: Cliff Slaughter

Leeds City Museum Sunday, January 31, 7.30 Speaker: G. Healy Glasgow Partick Burgh Hall (Lesser Hall)

(near Merkland Street underground station)

Sunday, February 14, 7.30 p.m.

Speaker: G. Healy

4: 'The other noticeable feature (on London docks) is the small amount of mechanisation.' If this is compared with other industries in Britain (who in any case compare badly with international rivals), the picture shows that average annual capital about £10 million against beer vestment in the docks million in the railways, +50 million on roads and street lighting, f60 million in steel.

During this period the volume of tonnage handled has more than doubled, while the labour force has dwindled from 80,000 in 1945 to the present figure of 60,000.

On Merseyside, for example, the tonnage handled in 1945 was 12,000,000 tons with a labour force of 18,000. Today the labour force is down to 12,000 while the tonnage annually has risen to almost 30,000,000.

Depletion of the register has been the deliberate policy of the port employers, designed to extract more labour from fewer workers.

The shortage of dockers has grown particularly bad during the past year because the employers have been preparing for the introduction of decasualisation and sought to avoid a situa. tion where they would be forced to pay fall-back money to those kept in the casual pool.

Increased trade before Christmas exposed their hand when shortages of dockers rose to as much as 2,000 a day in London and Liverpool.

It is a lie concocted by press to say that the dockers themselves responsible for (Cont. back page, col. 2)

Two anuary

newspapers in the Midlands she was made editor of the paper several months ago. The unanimous vote was a confirmation by Young Socialists of their belief in her ability to edit the paper.

She said that in order to avoid the witch-hunt of members who wrote for, or supported the paper, 'Keep Left' had to suspend its annual meetings.

'But even though Transport House and the right wing of the Labour Party tried to destroy this paper they were completely unsuccessful. The meeting today shows that. We have four times as many here now as we did in 1962, she said.

There were two reasons for the success of 'Keep Left' in building up its support and its circulation to 10,000 copies a month.

The paper had always fought for socialist policies, for democratic rights for young people and against the bans, proscriptions and witch-hunts.

• "Keep Lefi" supports wholeheartedly the conference called by the National Committee (Majority) of the Young Socialists which will be held in Morecambe on February 27 and 28,' she said.

'At this conference we shall have a very important request to make to the Young Socialists.

We shall ask you to adopt "Keep Left" as the movement's official paper because this is the only paper which has successfully fought the right-wing witchhunt in the Labour Party since 1960?

Young and old hit Aileen Jennings said there was a parallel between the plight of the old people and young workers. On the one hand capitalism used old age pensioners for 50 years to make profit and then threw them on the scrap heap, and on the other it used youth as cheap labour to do the work of adults.

Both sections of the working class would be the worst hit by a rising cost of living.

'Keep Left' supported both the lobby organised by the National Committee (Majority) in Brighton at the Labour Party conference and the one which would take place on February 4 at Westminster demanding immediate payment of the pensions increases.

Answering those who criticised 'Keep Left' and the YS for fighting for socialist policies she said: 'The labour movement needs a new leadership, one that will fight for socialist policies. We are the future generation and we have every right to fight to make sure that our future is a socialist one.

We have always protested against the savage sentences meted out to Mods and Rockers. We know that capitalism uses the police against the youth because it is afraid young people will organise.

Disciplined socialists

'We shall teach the youth not to fall for provocations from the police and the right wing and show them how to become disciplined socialists' She demanded that Mani, secretary of the Wandsworth YS branch and a member of the editorial board of 'Militant', who was present when the police were called to eject YS members and working-class recruits from Wandsworth, but who made no move to protest, should be ostracised by the whole of the Young Socialists movement.

Expressing support for the policies of the Manchester Direct Action Committee, she said that if the apprentices were to win their demands for higher pay, shorter hours and a four-week holiday with pay, they would need to mobilise the support of older workers with the help of the Young Socialists.

Outlining future plans for the paper she stated that the circulation would, with the help of YS members, be built up to 20,000 with special appeal such as a motor cycle column and advertisements of YS activities in order to attract new readers.

• "Keep Left" must be a paper that unites all sections of young people, Mods and Rockers, apprentices and young workers, students and factory workers.

'We are on the threshhold of a really big socialist youth movement-the biggest this country An apprentice told the meeting that for many years apprentices had been used as cheap labour by the bosses.

Now apprentices were demanding higher wages and better hours. 'Only "Keep Left" is supporting us through the Young Socialists. We want all apprentices to join the YS, he said.

Linda Davies of Yorkshire said 'Keep Left' was the paper for organising youth. In Leeds, Young Socialists working in a sweat shop whe an article for 'Keep Left'. The paper had been sold at the factory and gained the support of young and old workers.

An ex-YCL member had seen the YS in action in unemployThe collection raised over £87 in 10 minutes!

IN May 1964, an outbreak 1, an outbreak fever snread • 1.

of typhoid fever spread through Aberdeen in Scotland. Within a few weeks, over 400 people were victims of this distressing disease.

The source of the outbreak was traced to a tin of corned beef sold in a local supermarket.

At the onset of the outbreak, the Tory government attempted to hush up the matter by denying that tinned corned beef was necessarily responsible for the infection.

Finally, under the pressure of the Medical Officer of Health for the city, Dr. MacQueen, suspected tins of corned beef were withdrawn from the shops.

Two months before the outbreak, the government knew that tins of corned beef, which had been cooled in unchlorinated water, were in Britain.

But nothing was done to prevent the distribution of these tins of corned beef until many people in Aberdeen were suffering from typhoid fever.

Capitalists produce food in order to make profits. The welfare of both workers and consumers is of secondary importance.

SAFE FOOD

Over the years, techniques for controlling food manufacture have been developed which could provide safe food for the public. But in certain cases, elementary safety precautions are neglected if they mean reduced production and less profits.

The recent report published by the Scottish Home and Health Department on the Aberdeen typhoid outbreak reveals this point very clearly.

It also makes some useful points on the control of corned beef.

The production of corned beef involves a heat sterilization process which kills all harmful germs. The tins are then cooled using water, which should be free from germs because it is chlorinated.

Following the three outbreaks of typhoid fever in South Shields, Harlow and Bedford in 1963, Dr. Grace from the Ministry of By Our Science Correspondent Agriculture made a tour of the corned beef plants in the Argentine.

He discovered that one canning plant Uruguay 5' did not possess any chlorinating plant. At the International Packers' factory, Industria Argentina Establishment 1A, the chlorination plant had been out of action for 14 months.

The government suspended all imports from this factory but it did not call in tins of meat already in this country. Yet, according to the report, it was most probable that a tin of corned beef from this plant was the cause of the Aberdeen outbreak.

LAME EXCUSE

The report expresses surprise 'that the management of Establishment 1A decided to proceed without this safeguard' (chlorination). The management made the lame excuse that due to the demand for chlorination equipment, it had been impossible to arrange for the installation of new plant.

For 14 months, rather than stop production, this factory used unchlorinated water from the river Parana. This river serves as an outlet for the town's sewerage and is, therefore, one of the best sources of many dangerous germs including the typhoid bacillus.

The management of this factory could not plead ignorance. They had installed a chlorination plant in 1955 following a typhoid fever outbreak at Pickering in Yorkshire. It was later shown that the particular strain of the typhoid bacillus responsible for the Pickering outbreak had been found in the River Parana.

The report also states that three previous outbreaks of typhoid fever which occurred in 1963 were most likely caused by canned beef. This beef came from one canning factory which, during 1962 and 1963, was using unchlorinated water for the cooling process.

During 1962 there had been outbreaks of typhoid fever at barracks lying upstream from the canning factory. canning factory.

From information contained in From informat the report, the conditions under which the Argentine workers live are primitive and backward.

Many are forced to drink water contaminated by sewage. This results in many diseases for these workers which could be eliminated by chlorination of their drinking water.

'Nine per cent of the workers in the packing plant at Rosario suffer from amoebic dysentery because the wells from which they drink their water supplies are contaminated by sewage, says the report.

But the report makes no recommendation for improving the sanitary conditions of these workers.

The report notes that the calculated incidence rate of typhoid fever in the Argentine is 250 times the rate in this country.

Again, no condemnation of the capitalists who own the wealth of the country, is made. The implication appears to be that as long as the packing plants have satisfactory sterilization and cooling plants, the Argentine workers are unimportant.

APPALLING CONDITIONS Nothing is said in the report about the appalling conditions under which the Aberdeen workers are forced to live. Statistics reveal that of the 55,330 self-contained housing units, 36 per cent lack separate toilets; 2 per cent have no piped water supply; 27.7 per cent no hot water system, and 38.2 per cent no fixed bath.

Yet during the typhoid outbreak, repeated appeals were made to Aberdeen workers for 'strict cleanliness'.

It is significant that the tins of corned beef that were withdrawn at the time of the Aberdeen outbreak were never destroyed. No doubt, they might be released later.

The report states that as long as these tins are treated properly, they could be released for sale.

Needless to say, the report makes no recommendation for compensation to be paid to the victims of typhoid fever.

In capitalist society, tins of corned beef are more valuable than workers.

Following the farcical election of a government under Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, further attacks on the Nigerian working class (some of whom are seen below in last year's general strike) can be expected in line with a big grab by imperialists for large oil desposits just discovered January 1965 1960s onwards 'for the first time January • 9, 1965

YS in action has ever seen and I am sure that with "Keep Left" and the Young Socialists together we can do it' ment lobbies and at its conference, when it defeated the right wing. She compared this with the actions of the YCL, which, at its 1962 conference passed a resolution supporting the YS campaigns, but, in 1964, had expelled or suspended 70 ot its members for carrying out this resolution.

Mike Farley, National Committee member for the Northwest, said that the YS had travelled a long way since September 27 last year, but that still more youth had to be approached and attracted to the Young Socialists.

To make the Morecambe conference a success, YS members had to involve branches not involved before. Liverpool Young Socialists had painted a van with slogans and with it were taking 'Keep Left' into outlying areas. THE Editors of the quarterly magazine 'International Socialist Review' which is published by the Socialist Workers Party of the United States recently asked E. Germain, a member of the Pabloite United Secretariat of the Fourth International to write an article dealing with recent events in Ceylon.

It appeared in the Fall, 1964 issue, accompanying an article by one Peng Shu-tse entitled 'Open Letter to Gerry Healy, "The Man on the Flying Trapeze"' (see Newsletter, October 10 and 17, 1964).

For the sake of accuracy, however, the two articles should not be lumped together. Whereas Peng Shu-tse is a political hatchet-man for the Socialist Workers Party, who believes in 'doing' a job regardless of the lies he tells, Germain is a specialist in the art of spreading confusion and covering up mistakes.

This man has a notorious record of treachery in the Trotskyist movement.

Germain's record In 1946, he constantly endeavoured, through informal discussion, to strengthen the right-wing revisionist grouping of Felix Morrow and Albert Goldman in the International Secretariat of the Fourth International.

During the crucial period of negotiations between the SWP of the USA and the Shachtmanite 'Workers Party' (1946-1947) who split from Trotsky and the Fourth International in 1940 because they rejected the defence of the Soviet Union, he wént behind the backs of his American comrades of the SWP and the International Secretariat and wrote direct to the ShachtmanE. Germain: A role of treachery in the Trotskyist movement ites suggesting that the differences between the two organisations could be resolved.

This letter arrived in New York at a time when the negotiations, due to Schachtman's manoeuvres, were breaking down. It was used by Schachtman to imply that there was a division between the Socialist Workers Party in the USA and their co-thinkers in Europe.

In the early stages of the fight against Pablo in 1951, Germain supported the French Parti Communiste Internationaliste majority, at that time led by Lambert and Blerbtreu only to desert them for Pablo's bandwagon as soon as it became clear that the SWP was, at least for the time being, supporting Pablo.

In 1953, before the split in the Fourth International, he went to Ceylon and helped to politically swing the Ceylonese behind Pablo. He deserted his old allies of the SWP and joined what he thought was the 'winning side.

Until some time in 1962 he remained staunchly behind Pablo, although he also maintained irregular contact with people such as George Breitman and W. F. Warde of the SWP.

In 1960 Pablo was imprisoned by the Dutch government. During the months he was in jail differences broke out between him and Germain: over a whole number of organisational and political questions.

Nobody is clear outside the intimate circle as to what was the real basis for these differences since no documents have been published covering the period. There was a meeting in Austria at the end of 1962 where a 12-hour discussion took place, ' but the outcome was unclear.

After a whole series of adventures, especially on the eve of the ending of the war in Algeria, Pablo lost ground inside his own movement and Germain began making preparations to jump on another bandwagon.

This, as it later turned out, was the SWP who also, at the same time, were moving away from the International Committee of the Fourth International and back to Pablo's camp.

Cannon and the leaders of the SWP were critical of Pablo, not really because of the political issues involved, but because they felt that Pablo would consistently conspire against them, especially on organisational questions.

When, therefore, the opportunity came for the SWP to make an agreement with Germain against Pablo, it coincided with the split between the Socialist Labour League and the SWP.

There were also issues such as Stalinism where the SWP was worried over the constant attempts by Pablo to adapt himself to the Soviet bureaucracy. Germain, who by 1960, had become a prominent social-democratic left-centrist leader could afford to be much more anti-Stalinist than Pablo, so he found it relatively easy to adapt himself to the SWP. Germain rejects unity with the SLL In May 1963 just before the SWP broke away from collaborating with the International Committee of the Fourth International, Germain came to London and informed the Socialist Labour League that there would be no change in the relations between those who did not want to enter the re-unification and those who did.

He agreed that we should continue the discussion with a view to having a congress some time towards the end of 1964. This was, in fact, the of the SUL.

In view of this measure of agreement, he attended the summer school of the SLL held late July and early August 1963. At the school he discussed with many leading and rank-and-file members of the organisation. He participated in a full day's discussion on the differences. Afterwards he expressed himself as being entirely satisfied with what took place and pledged that as soon as he returned to Paris the discussion would be resumed.

However, not a single letter has been received from Germain Cannon and SWP leaders critical of Pablo, then made agreement with Germain from that day to this. When the International Committee of the Fourth International, after their conference in 1963, officially proposed that the discussion continue, Germain was one of those who voted for the rejection of such proposals as a member of their 'United Secretariat' in Paris.

This politically, two-faced treacherous centrist, does not, in fact, have a mind of his own. He simply scavenges around for allies, looking for someone who appears to have more political strength than himself to lean on.

His withdrawal from the agreement with SLL took place under the pressure of the Socialist Workers Party. Yet he admitted before all the students at the school that there were many things that he disagreed with in the SWP and that a full discussion would take place internationally on what was happening in the United States.

The record of record La centrist We give these few • bnief particulars of the political history of the man not in order to oversimplify his revisionist evolution, which was not at all as a result of a conspiracy on his part.

It was, in fact, the career of one-time member of the Trotskyist movement who has consistently adapted himself to middle-of-the-road centrist politics, under social-democratic pressure.

As a journalist of some talent, he finds no difficulty in editing a paper which is on some questions to the right of "Tribune' and, under a different name, writing the kind of 'left' articles which the SWP want to publish.

Small wonder, then, that he extremely hostile to the Socialist Labour League because of the stand which it has taken over the Coalition government in Ceylon. The participation by Dr. Colvin de Silva, N. M. Perera and Leslie Gunawardene was in itself the outcome of centrist politics.

In his article, entitled 'From Wavering to Capitulation' (International Socialist Review' Fall, 1964), whilst opposing the decision to join the Coalition government, Germain treats them in a very friendly way, in sharp contrast to his reference to the suL.

He describes Colvin de Silva, as 'Ceylon's leading lawyer' and one of the most powerful orators in Asia'. He was, says Germain, a man 'with revolutionary daring.

Healy of the Socialist Labour League is, on the other hand, according to Germain, *the saddest case' who tells 'deliberate lies'. Germain's emphasis here is all important.

He remains much more friendly to Colvin de Silva than to the Sul who opposed the betrayal in Ceylon.

This explains that while Germain voted to expel over 500 members of the LSSP, including N. M. Perera, he would not agree to Colvin de Silva or or Leslie Gunawardene being expelled by the United Secretariat in Paris.

Despite repeated requests Irom the LSSP (Revolutionary Section) to expel these renegades, Germain has strongly opposed such a measure. Instead he throws the responsibility back to the leadership of the LSSP (Revolutionary Section). Yet he knows full well that it was the role of these centrists who paved the way for the capitulation of N. M. Perera and the rest.

He also knows that they are leading members of the highest body of his international organisation and come directly under its discipline. In spite of this he deliberately evades responsibility for expelling them.

The story of Osmund Jayaratne In the article 'From Wavering to Capitulation', Germain boasted that from the early N. M. Perera: Treated by Germain Some comments P. Desai (New The Editor received this letter on December 10. Due to the pressure of material over the the Christmas period, it was omitted until now.

T° justify their savage repression of Congolese independence the imperialists issue a steady stream of stories about atrocities allegedly committed by Congolese so-called 'rebels' Bending before this propaganda, P. Desai wrote a confused and incorrect ending to his article on the Congo.

'Drive for profit leads to Congo killings' was the headline of the article. Very correct. But the text said something different. It blamed the Chinese leaders for killings in Stanleyville and avoided a struggle against imperialist propaganda.

The Chinese tactics have led to misadventure for the Indonesians and open race conflict in the Congo,' the article said.

This, and the comments which followed, talking of the 'Peking clique, gory with the carnage of helpless children' followed a few words after the statement: 'It is thought that they (the Chinese) have supported the Congolese rebels.' (My emphasis)

That the author could pass from this careful statement to the comments quoted, shows quite clearly, his impressionism in face of the atrocity stories.

The bloody history of the Congo from the time it became the personal empire of Leopold

as 'Ceylon's leading lawyer' and one of the most powerful orators in Asia'. He was, says Germain, a man 'with revolutionary daring'.

Healy of the Socialist Labour League is, on the other hand, according to Germain, 'the saddest case' who tells 'deliberate lies'. Germain's emphasis here is all important.

He remains much more friendly to Colvin de Silva than to the SLL who opposed the betrayal in Ceylon.

This explains that while Germain voted to expel over 500 members of the LSSP, including N. M. Perera, he would not agree to Colvin de Silva or Leslie Gunawardene being expelled by the United Secretariat in Paris.

Despite repeated requests from the LSSP (Revolutionary Section) to expel these renegades, Germain has strongly opposed such a measure. Instead he throws the responsibility back to the leadership of the LSSP (Revolutionary Section). Yet he knows full well that it was the role of these centrists who paved the way for the capitulation of N. M. Perera and the rest.

He also knows that they are leading members of the highest body of his international organisation and come directly under its discipline. In spite of this he deliberately evades responsibility for expelling them. The story of Osmund Jayaratne In the article 'From Wavering to Capitulation', Germain boasted that from the early Dr. N. M. Perera: Treated friendly by Germain Some comments on an article by P. Desai (Newsletter, The Editor received this letter on December 10. Due to the pressure of material over the the Christmas period, it was omitted until now.

T° justify their savage repression of Congolese inde. pendence the imperialists issue a steady stream of stories about atrocities allegedly committed by Congolese so-called rebels'.

Bending before this propaganda, P. Desai wrote a confused and incorrect ending to his article on the Congo.

Drive for profit leads to Congo killings' was the headline of the article. Very correct. But the text said something difierent. It blamed the Chinese leaders for killings in Stanleyville and avoided a struggle against imperialist propaganda.

'The Chinese tactics have led to misadventure for the Indonesians and open race conflict in the Congo,' the article said.

This, and the comments which followed, talking of the 'Peking clique, gory with the carnage of helpless children' followed a few words after the statement: It is thought that they (the Chinese) have supported the Congolese rebels.' (My emphasis)

That the author could pass from this careful statement to the comments quoted, shows quite clearly, his impressionism in face of the atrocity stories. in The bloody history of the Congo from the time it became the personal empire of Leopold since the birth of the Ceylonese 1st has dictated the nature of the struggle there. The Belgian rulers were the most rapacious, cruel and sanguine of any colonial slaveholders.

Conor Cruise O'Brien, in "The Observer' came far closer to giving the reasons for the cruel brutal nature of the war in the Congo than P. Desai.

The colonial arrogance and racialism is spotlighted by the practice he reports as widespread among the Belgian colonialists of using 'monkey' as a term of address for Africans.

Lumumba was tortured and murdered because he was the leader of a force with national support and which could have unified the country. Tshombe, seeks now to unify the Congo for imperialism and in particular the Union Miniere. To do this men are hired to ravage the country and its inhabitants and kill for money—-a 'Murder Incorporated', but built up by some of the press as modern, bold buccaneers.

'The shooting of white and coloured women and children in the past week in the Congo cannot be condoned,' says Desai. He means the shootings by the rebels' as reported in the capitalist press. He makes no attempt even to analyse the conflicting reports of atrocities. Most of the stories in the end came down to report that hostages were killed in the confusion following the landing of parachutists.

O'Brien talks of atrocities by the mercenaries attested with photographs by Western correspondents. He concludes that mercenaries who deserted in horror did so because of what was done by their army to children 'accused of carrying information to the enemy-that is their own people'.

The reaction to imperialist violence on the part of the oppressed of the Congo will be violent, bloody and brutal. That is inevitable. And, so will be the reaction to all bloody, violent and brutal oppression. But there can be no comparison between the violence of the slaves and the violence of the slaveowners which brings it about.

To apportion blame, so much to imperialism, so much to the Chinese, is to yield to imperialism.

The Chinese will not build a revolutionary socialist leadership in Africa. But our criticism of Chinese leaders, our struggle for correct leadership is not an excuse for whitewashing imperialism, so that like the Liberal and Labour 'friends of the colonial people' we can hold up our hands in horror and say: 'Stanleyville equals Sharpville.' We are unconditionally on the side of the Congolese people struggling for their independence against imperialism and their agents like Tshombe.

Hunter.

section, it could be recorded that the organisation now had a permanent representative in the international leadership (a representative who happened to be a leading member of the left tendency)'.

The man he refers to is Osmund Jayaratne, who was one of the closest of all collaborators with Germain himself and a member of their Paris Secretariat during the whole period leading up to the coalition.

Germain explains that the degeneration of the LSSP arose out of 'Ceylonese exceptionalism'. Apparently it took place because Colvin de Silva and the other majority leaders preferred to spend most of their time in Ceylon while avoiding direct participation with Germain and the Paris Secretariat.

When he wrote these lines, he could not have been aware that his ex-colleague Osmund Jayaratne whom he had sent back to Ceylon in August 1964, to Colvin R de Silva: Praise from Germain carry out amongst other things, a struggle against the Healyites of the LSSP (Revolutionary Section), has now resigned from the section 'and politically aligned himself with the forces supporting the coalition.

We wonder if Germain will now describe this latest evolution of his disciple as an example of 'Paris exceptionalism'. We ask him a simple question. What are the political reasons for Jayaratne's desertion?

Germain and his associates in the SWP are now disintegrating under the hammer blows of unprincipled politics.

They are unable to make an objective analysis of the events in Ceylon and their hatred of the SLL because of its principled politics, so the situation for them grows steadily worse.

In India, during the last few weeks, their small organisation has had to endure another split in its ranks. This extends the record of their splits over the past three years, starting with the group of Juan Posadas, then Pablo himself, then with the LSSP Majority, and now India and shows that the so-called United Secretariat is, as The Newsletter has always explained, a shambles.

In the next article, we shall examine more closely the political reason why Osmund Jayaratne, the disciple of Germain, has become the latest recruit to the open revisionist break from Trotskyism. 5/12/64 broadcast on Monday that the Nigerian election crisis was over—despite the fact that only two-thirds of the country's MPs have been returned to parliament with Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa as prime minister.

Last week we reported that Azikiwe was extremely concerned at founded reports of arrests of opposition candidates —many of the "successful' candidates, mostly from the north and west regions (polling stations were not even opened in the East) were returned from seats they would normally have lost to Dr. Okpara's United Progressive Grand Alliance. said he wireic any elecion result sion by aresis, para has and terrorism.

Azikiwe has completely stepped down from the statement that in a "wave of lawlessness' instruments of power had 'been used, not only to stifle the opposition, but to prevent the elections from being 'free and fair'.

But this state of affairs is a reflection of the economic crisis of the country and the growing militancy of the unions, who are backing the UPGA.

Feeling

There is tremendous feeling amongst the people against Sir Abubakar and his puppet government of British imperialism. Troops and police stood guard while 2,000 people carrying anti-Abubakar placards held a four-mile protest march recently.

Abubakar was, in fact, one of the 60 'unopposed' MPs returned in the December 30 elections, from the northern region.

Nigerian troops marching tr and Okpara has The social structure of northern Nigeria is vastly different from the south. In the north, serfdom and the terrorrule of the feudal emirs prevail. In the south, industrial development has resulted in an expanding local capitalist class.

Sir Abubakar's party, Northern Nigerian National Alliance, unites the overlord and the tribal chief. The United Progressive Grand Alliance ties together the petty-bourgeois intellectuals with the emerging bourgeoisie.

The feudal chiefs, imbiding the religion of Islam, built an empire around the northern capital of Kano based on millions of serfs. British colonialism preserved this system.

A network of transport and communication systems was built, carrying raw materials to the coast and loading them on to ships destined for the metropolitan countries.

At the beginning of the o demonstrations by workers century, professional and technical training was afforded to the ruling feudal families. This created a group opposed to any struggle for independence.

Although confined by the south.

While the sale of land in the north was limited and discouraged by colonial authonities, the south saw a class of independent farmers emerging, selling their cash crops to imperialism.

The peasant, driven by land hunger into the towns like Lagos and Ibadan, fought imperialist exploitation as migrant labourer.

Transport developed The class contradictions in the countryside intensified, resulting in about 20,000,000 people living on scarecrow agrarian economy.

The transport system was developed further. Nigerian exports consisted of agricultural products (cocoa, rubber, timber, nuts, oil) together with mineral ones. About 30 per cent of British capital invested between 1955 and 1962 (i.e., €120,000,000) flowed into the transport system.

Foreign firms like United Africa Company, Taylor Woodrow, Unilever, etc., command the basic branches of the economy. The chief of perhaps the largest, Unilever, George Cole, was made a life peer in Harold Wilson's first New Year's Honours list.

The Nigerian capitalist class, always hammered by capital from such companies, crept into farming, trade, banking and noad transport. They look hungrily towards the vast untapped productive reserves of the north, which are stifled by the backward system of feudal social relations.

In the shadow of Nigerian capitalism, the workers began to organise into unions. Driven from the decaying village craft industry, the migrant labourer became a stable town dweller.

Emerging militancy

The Aba women workers rebelled against authority in 1929; railwaymen were on strike in 1942; King's College students demonstrated in 1944; there was a proclamation of a successful national strike by civil servants and employees in private enterprise the same year; the strike of the Burutic port workers cnippled the harbour in June 1947.

This emerging militancy burst into bold strike action by the Enugu mine workers in November 1949. The British Labour government sent in troops and 29 unarmed miners were shot down. A protest movement swept Eastern Nigeria.

Throughout the '50s imperialism acted to consolidate its position in the country, then granted independence in October 1960. To ensure the safety of investments, the country was divided into four federal regions. Nigeria was a 'showpiece' of British colonialism, having been granted independence it was claimed to be the most democratic African state.

But the crisis of the world capitalist market, the increasing effect of automation and the valuable trade union experience of the Nigerian workers has again changed the situation.

On May 31 last year a general strike involving 800,000 workers was announced with the demand for better conditions and higher wages.

Successful strike

There were clashes with the police in Lagos and other towns. A Joint Action Committee was formed. The two-week strike brought life to a standstill and Sir Abubakar's government was forced to agree to the terms of the Morgan Commission into wages.

The terms agreed upon also provided that no striker would be victimised, that dismissals would stop and that the strikers would be paid wages for the duration of the strike.

The Western capitalist press went into a panic. Democracy in Africa, they moaned, was being threatened.

The Nigerian government brought conspiracy charges against Chiet Awolowo, leader of the Action Group in the UPGA, with the hope of finding a scapegoat and diverting the attention of the masses.

British university lecturer, Dr. V. L. Allen, was arrested with three militant Nigerian trade unionists. They were found guilty of treason and incitement, and each sentenced to a year's hard labour late last year.

(Cont. back page, col. 7)

Arrest of CPers as Kerala election nears up over 600 members of the left wing of the Communist Party, Over 200 more have been arrested since then, all under the 'state of emergency' in force since 1962.

They were accused by Nanda, Minister of Home Affairs, of plotting a revolution to synchronise with a new attack from China. The arrests, he explained, should be viewed as 'an urgent measure of security, › and not as an attack on any political party!

The Indian government has been stepping up its propaganda about the danger of Chinese *aggression'. On December 31, it protested at alleged 'provocative intrusions' of Chinese troops into Sikkim from Tibet.

One purpose of such statements is to help to obtain increased backing for the Indian capitalists from Britain and America. Shastri discussed this question with Wilson during his recent London visit.

But the arrest of the Communist Party members is more closely related to internal problems facing the Indian ruling class.

Revolutionary developments The recent food riots pointed to the danger of revolutionary developments in India, and emphasised the key role played by the right-wing Communist Party leadership in holding back the working class.

At its Bombay Congress, which ended only three days before the arrests took place, Dange, and his associates, carried a resolution which pledged complete support for Moscow against Peking.

They also called for a National United Front of democrats to take India on the 'non-capitalist path'.

It is significant that the arrests of the left-wing Communist Party members, which are reported to have been agreed in principle at a meeting of State Chief Ministers in November, were timed to follow the Congress.

It is also important to note that neither E. M. S. Namboodripad, former Chief Minister of Kerala, nor Jyoti Basu of West Bengal, were among those detained.

They had been leaders of a centre group which opposed the extreme opportunism of Dange, but remained basically reformists.

Resignation

Namboodripad resigned as Communist Party chairman : in December 1962, with Basu's support, before the split in the Party had been completed.

Along with 350 pro-Chinese Communist Party members, they were imprisoned under Nehru's State of Emergency at the time of the border fighting with China, but were released before the others.

The pro-Peking Communist Party later manoeuvred to unite with this centre group and split away from Dange's rightist organisation.

The latter's renewed affirmation of its belief in the parliamentary road is made ludicrous by the latest arrests. These come a few weeks before elections are due in Kerala, once controlled by the Communist Party.

Shastri follows in Nehru's footsteps by using police action as a precaution against election processes giving the wrong' result.

in Western Nigeria. Death of ART PREIS A LEADING member of the Socialist Workers' Party. and for 20 years industrial editor of the Party's newspaper, "The Militant, Art Preis died in New York on December 26 at the age of 53.

His most important literary work, 'Labour's Giant Step20 Years of the CIO' was published just before his death.

Preis's work in the labour and socialist movement had also been a struggle against a number of illnesses which began in 1940 when he learned he had diabetes.

Born in Philadelphia in 1911, Preis went on to Univer.. sity in Pennsylvania and Ohio but left before graduation during the depression in 1933 to organise the National Unemployed League, which demanded a rise in relief standards above starvation level.

ORGANISER

This militant organisation became a springboard for organising several unions, including motor workers.

Preis became an early member of the Conference for Progressive Labour Action. which formed the American Workers Party, then merged with the Trotskyist Organisation, the Communist League of America.

Preis later became national committee member of the Socialist Workers Party.

In 1940 he began work in New York on The Militant' and specialised in industrial news after 1943.

Outstanding among his own reports and articles were those on the United Mine Workers' strike during the war he was welcomed into many meetings where other pressmen were barred because the miners knew "The Militant' supported their struggle — and the role of the United States in the Korean War.

Shortly after the amalgamation of the American Federation of Labour and the Congress of Industrial Organisations in 1956, his series on the history of the CIO, formed the basis for his recently published book.

POLICE

the New Year there were several manifestations of revolt among working-class youth in Paris.

A group of 30 blousons noirs (Rockers) assaulted police during a fracas outside an underground station. An even larger group gave the police a taste of their own violence at the Place de la Republique.

The French press, which needs no lessons from its British counterpart in whipping up hysteria against the working class, tried to place the blame entirely on the youth. They lined up with the police against the youth, conveniently forgetting three basic problems.

AUTHORITARIAN STATE First, the chronic instability of France's economic position, temporarily eclipsed by the eruption of the crisis in Britain, has led to the creation of an extremely authoritarian state. The attack on the most elementary political rights has been naturally accompanied by the growth of a paramilitary police force. They are armed to the teeth and are nonchalant in their use of weapons. They have earned widespread popular hatred and contempt.

They are particularly vicious against the youth. There were several fatal shootings in the Paris area alone last year. In the Seine departmeni, 13 per cent of all those arrested were under 18 years of age, and 18 per cent were under 21.

Secondly, the police are directed against the youth by the employers who, as in Britain, are forced to prepare for the massive introduction of automation. The forced pace of accumulation of capital, leading to speed-ups, low wages and unemployment, requires the harsh disciplining of the fighting spirit of youth PRESS AID The press is only too happy to justify police violence in the carrying out of this task by blaming the youth for fighting back.

Thirdly, the crisis and its intensification by the political methods of Gaullism, is reflected in the severe housing shortage, which has been a running sore since the Second World War (and long before) and forms the background to the sporadic assaults of working class youths on the armed force of the capitalist state.

The shortage has been aggravated since de Gaulle's capture of power. The Fifth Plan has a very limited building target, with a cutback on available credits. In Lyon, for example, the municipal authorities were unable to build a single workers' flat last year.

POLICY

It is urgent that socialist policies be worked out in France which are capable of attracting the mass of these youths.

The Stalinist and social-democratic bureaucracies have nothing to say to them and indeed are as frightened of them as are the ordinary bourgeois.

In the meantime there are more arrests. At a railway station in the north of Paris, police interfered with eight youths, who defended themselves vigorously, wounding two, before being taken in.

In France, it is necessary to begin a vast campaign fo:

the disarming of the police and against police violence.

NEWSLETTE Four

• (MRA) should serve as a warning of one way in which the employers are preparing to attack the working class by undermining its organised strength.

MRA declares its aim is to revolutionise a revolution in men's hearts", and proclaims a set of 'absolute' moral standards.

In fact these ideas are used to persuade workers that they should collaborate with the bosses, and that they should refuse to fight for better wages and conditions.

It is working to spread these ideas at a time when capitalism faces a grave economic crisis, which the monopolists are trying to solve at the expense of the working class.

This conference demonstrated that there are plenty of employers searching for a means of diverting the labour movement from its real fight.

PRODUCTION

The manager of a chemical plant, after soothing the conscience of his mainly middle-class audience with the statement that 'millions of our youth have never known anything but affluence', described how production at his works increased 27 per cent when the employees there accepted MRA's ideology.

He neglected to say what happened to working conditions and wages at the same time.

Who benefitted from that 27 per cent increase in production?

More serious were the MKA agents in the trade union movement. A member of Hounslow Trades Council, a Leeds factory worker and an apprentice bricklayer were paraded before the conference in the same way that the Conservative Party presents the occasional Tory trade unionist.

These renegades went so far as to declare that in the face of world through face a worse winter under this Labour government than they faced under the Tories.

On Monday the national press announced that the prices of 2,500 commodities had gone up. This will directly affect the pensioners.

During a visit to Glasgow on December 30, Miss Margaret Herbison, Minister of Pensions, told representatives of the Scottish Old Age Pensioners' Association that the Labour government would not make the pension increase retrospective to She said there just was not sufficient money available, and that retrospective payment would cost the government between f90 and f100 million Miss Herbison glibly expressed the view that the old age pensioners should continue their campaign. 'I think it is well for the whole nation to know the disappointment of the old people' she said.

Not sympathy But it is not public sympathy the old people need. Only a complete reversal of the government's decision to delay payment of the increase and some action from people like Miss Herbison can satisfy the old age pensioners.

A deputation met Miss Herbison ait the Glasgow City Chambers with Labour Lord Provost, Peter Meldrum, also present.

It is now quite clear that the pensioners can expect no further support from the Lord Provost and the Labour - controlled council.

Although he professes to be disappointed, Meldrum is convinced, after hearing the facts from Miss Herbison, that it is just impossible to pay the old people.

Whilst the right-wing council support the government in its despicable treatment of the pensioners, however, militant workers in Glasgow are taking up the fight.

In the important Albion motor factory, the shop stewards' committee unanimously supported a resolution demanding that the District Committee of the AEU press for immediate payment of the increase in the pension.

Resolution

A further resolution calling on Mr. W. Small, Member of Parliament for Scotstoun, to receive a deputation of Albion workers to discuss the question of the immediate payment of the pension' increase, was also carried.

Mr. Small is to meet the deputation on January 9. All trade union branches and factory committees in Glasgow should follow the lead given by the Albion shop stewards and wage an all-out campaign to secure immediate payment of the increased pension.

As an 81-year-old pensioner, who worked for 38 years in the coal mines, remarked last Saturday to a Newsletter seller: "The government should pay the increase NOW-in April I might be dead.' Old and young workers are quite bluntly telling the government that pensions increases must be paid now and backdated. Wilson and company must stop crawling before the big bankers and monopolists and start to fulfil the pledges they made to the working class. Chief Draughtsman) is receiving 29/6d. below the union's minimum rate for his age.

After all negotiating procedure has been exhausted the most the firm will offer is an increase in domestic minimum rate levels varying from 3s, 6d. to 9s. 6d. per week.

PICKETS

The men struck work on December 29 and the strike has been declared official by DATA.

Pickets stand outside the factory carrying placards which declare: 'DATA v. WYF's outof-date Incomes Policy' and 'Official Strike — Pay us our Rates'.

Mr. D. Holland, chairman of the Strike Committee, told The Newsletter that their action was receiving widespread sympathy. Shop stewards in the foundry, which employs about 1,500 men, had approached the strike committee to express their support.

Draughtsmen at Albion Motors, Glasgow, have informed the management of their sympathy for the Leeds men and it is believed that Draughtsmen at Leyland Motors, near Preston, have taken similar action.

APPRENTICES

Mr. Holland said that apprentice draughtsmen at the firm had come out with the other draughtsmen although the claim mainly concerned older workers.

Most young draughtsmen serve a five-year apprenticeship followed by four years' 'experience' on extremely low rates of pay, and are not regarded as fully trained until they are 25.

Pickets outside the factory claim that the management recently created a new position at higher rates of pay for one of the leading members of the strike committee and that this is being investigated by the union. "pool of labour' scheme with the threat of redundancy as an alternative.

If the scheme is accepted all workers who are redundant will enter the 'pool' and will be employed as labourers, trainees, or replacements for absentee workers. Their new rate of pay would be for the job allocated. irrespective of previous grade.

Workers in the National Union of Vehicle Builders have already said thạt they will fight the scheme and will withdraw all labour on January 8.

The 'Labour Utilisation and Redeployment Plan' as the "pocl' is called, is the management's attempt to provide for further fluctuations in car production and at the same time put pressure on all workers for speed-ups in production.

Workers formerly employed on the Apex line, which produces car bodies for Rootes motors across the road, would make up the major part of the 'pool, but all workers could be similarly transferred as required by the management.

TRANSFERRED

As production schedules varied, workers would be transferred in and out of the "pool'.

Part of the company's scheme would be to compile a 'redeployment register' •This would consist of all workers transferred to the labour 'pool'. Their return to jobs with higher status and pay would be assessed by the management.

Thus the 'pool' with its accompanying register could afford a ready means to victimise militant workers, older workers who are considered to be unable to maintain production schedules and any misfits' disliked for one reason or another.

That the scheme does lend itself to this purpose is acknowledged by the management who say that the 'pool' is not to be used as a means of 'disciplining workers who are not surplus.

Every worker knows, however, that manning surpluses can always be arranged when it is required Pressed Steel management is highly sensitive to these figures and the Labour Utilisation and ReThis latter would obviously be a vicious weapon in the hands of the management. Once in the 'pool', no worker would be allowed to refuse permanent work for which he was considered suitable.

The National Union of Vehicle Builders are demanding that all workers retain their rate of pay when transferred to other work. In answer to this the management aims for a split amongst the craft workers by offering a six weeks' interim scheme.

This allows a high rated worker to keep his rate of pay but forces him to accept a cut in hours, unless he opts to take his chance on the conditions offered in the "pool' scheme, quoted above.

The hours offered range from 31 hours per week at 8s. 8}d. per hour to a full 41 hours per week at 6s. 6d. per hour.

NO OVERTIME No overtime would be allowed such workers and if other workers objected to men working alongside them at 8s. 8łd. an hour whilst they were receiving 6s. 6d., then the management would cancel the arrangement.

The decision of the NUVB workers at Linwood is a welcome sign of militancy, but the fight against the 'pool' cannot be aimed at improving its provisions.

This was the mistake made by the shop stewards at the Pressed Steel over the firm's Emerson bonus scheme which has not paid a decent bonus for over six months and which, when last declared, in November 1964, showed a deficit.

In fact the 'pool' scheme is merely an extension of the Emerson Plan. Clauses were inserted in the draft agreement drawn up by Emerson which allowed the management to introduce schemes such as the 'pool' in the event of the bonus being deficit.

ATTACK

Pressed Steel, having tied the wages of the whole factory to its sales, is developing a further attack.. This time aiming at a much more penetrating destruction of hard won rights gained by the trade unions and workers in factory struggle.

Relying on the servility of the union leaders and the active backing by Labour government policy, Pressed Steel hope to achieve their aims. Only the workers in this factory and throughout the car industry, mobilising support througout the trade unions, can stop them.

The stand taken by the NUVB should be supported by all workers at Linwood. Behind such a militant stand must be developed a programme of demands which can unite all car workers against attacks on their wages and conditions.

Against the 'pool' scheme must be advanced demands of no sackings. They must be linked with demands that Labour MPs press for the nationalization of the motor industry.

Nigeria

house CONTINUAL agitation by the tenants of Loscoe has finally forced the Featherstone Council to fence off the dangerous gap in the beck wall.

However, the appalling conditions of life in this Yorkshire village continue. The streets are covered with ice and some of the outside toilets have had burst pipes.

One woman—Mrs. Hampton of 5 Argylle Street— showed a Newsletter seller the conditions in her house.

The ceiling in one bedroom fell in on Christmas Day and the ceiling of another room fell in while the family were in bed. The family now has to sleep downstairs.

There is a dangerous hole in the floor at the bottom of the bedroom steps, and this family pays 27s. 6d. rent per week.

Mrs. Hampton has two children — aged 14 months and 4 months —and the Doctor has promised her a note for the Health Visitor to say that the house is unfit for children to live in.

an economic crisis, workers should accept a cut in their wages.

Such workers not only submit to the attacks of the employers but assist and encourage them to pile up bigger profits.

RELIGION

This group uses religion as a means of attacking the traditions of the trade union movement and the militancy of sections of workers in industry.

Its supporters inside the labour movement should be regarded as scabs to the working class struggle for higher wages and better conditions.

A 'revolution in men's hearts' cannot solve the problems facing the workers. They will only be solved by the socialist control of the means of production.

Scottish busmen attend rally DELEGATES from nine Scottish bus depots attended a rally at Dalkeith last weekend to consider the situation arising from the protracted negotiations over pay and conditions for provincial bus workers.

It was decided that a further meeting of Scottish bus workers should be held at a central garage in Scotland in the near future, to discuss what action the busmen should take in pursuance of their claim.

The chairman of the Dalkeith branch of the Transport and General Workers' Union said: 'We are anticipating that a number of our claims will be turned down.' Registered at the G.P.O. as a newspaper 80 Clapham High Street. London. S.W. 4 rinted by Plough Press Ltd. (TU), Published by The Newsletter. 'Rhe Clapham High Street, London. S.W.A labour shortage.

In the 'Liverpool Echo' last week, a statement was made by an employers' representative that workers would not stay on the the docks. The fact is that during the year the Dock Board recruited about 700 casual workers from the dole in March and sacked the majority of them in September. and October.

Several mass meetings of Merseyside dockers last year called for these men to be taken on the full register as permanent dockers, and at Garston the registered dockers took strike action and issued an ultimatum to the port employers for the register to be increased by recruiting temporary labour to the register. At the same time hundreds of dockers are railroaded off the docks every week for trivial disciplinary reasons.

The Newsletter recorded these decisions on many occasions during last year.

Example

The capitalist press has seized on the 'welt' system in Liverpool as an example of the "bloodymindedness' of the dockers. In actual fact, a majority of Merseyside dockers are just as opposed to the 'welt'.

This was introduced during the war when dockers were working flat out for long hours round the clock. One of the main reasons why it has been retained since, is that canteen facilities are totally inadequate and it would be impossible for all dockers to take their meal break at once.

As it is the employers use the welt to make the gangs at work exert themselves to make up for those away at the tea break.

A comparison of the figures of cargoes handled in Liverpool against London, where there is no 'welt', shows that the Liverpool docker handles more tonnage per man than his brother in London. (£130,000 per year against €100,000.)

What the Merseyside docker has opposed is any attempt to remove the welt under conditions where they are expected to maintain the same speed of discharge continually without adequate compensation in wages.

Many argue correctly that it is impossible to work in the hold on some cargoes for long periods without a break. This is particularly true of work in refrigerated ships and on cargoes like carbon black, red oxide, and fish meal.

In London, dockers have been justifiably reluctant to allow the employers to swamp the register during the boom periods with the result that when trade recedes, thousands are signing on for the meagre attendance money.

If the dockers do not trust the employers they have good reason. Every improvement in working conditions has had to be fought for tenaciously. Everyone knows that the canteen and toilet facilities on the docks are positive disgrace. So much for the employers' interest in the welfare of the dockworker.

The overtime ban on week-end working was the dockers' answer to the attempts of the employers to make overtime a compulsory condition attached to the 40-hour week introduced last July.

Right

Dockers argued that the 40hour week was theirs by right and should allow them increased leisure at week-ends.

The employers, on the other hand, have always insisted that overtime is compulsory.

The Newsletter was viciously attacked when it warned last year that this was one of the conditions which the employers were trying to tie to the 40-hour week. The campaign now going on shows that The Newsletter was right.

Dockers are also dissatisfied with the overtime rates agreed by the TGWU officials and want them increased.

The facts of the matter, which the press are trying to hide, are that while the docker has considerably increased output, he has received very little in return.

With the basic wage still at the scandalously low level of £10 8s., he has to make up his pay by overtime working or by piecework which exerts its increasing toll in accidents, sickness and the burning out of mens' working lives.

At the other end of the scale the port employers have extracted enormous profits out of the industry at the expense of failing to carry out the modernisation and mechanisation required.

Log-jam

It is this technical backwardness which today creates a log-jam at the centre of the economic crisis of British capitalism.

Traffic congestion is a reflection on the system of private profit making, where hundreds and thousands of manufacturers, transport contractors and dock employers scramble to make a slick buck while the going is good.

How can this be overcome as long as there are over 400 employers in the port of London, 115 in Liverpool, 77 in Hull and three and four times as many manufacturers trying to ship their products in and out of the ports?

The slow progress in mechanisation also stems from this competition between a welter of "master stevedores', 'lumpers' and "master porters'.

The press have shut their eyes on this question of which Lord Rochdale, concluding his enquiry in 1962, said: 'We are convinced that without a substantial reduction in the numbers of master stevedores and master porters who hire the labour in most ports, it will not be possible either to attain economically the higher degree of decasualisation of labour . . . or to achieve the most efficient operating methods —via mechanisation and palletisation?

Yet this stumbling block effects also the decision of shipbuilders about the construction of automated ships, and specially constructed ships for palletised cargoes and drive-on, drive-off unloading and loading.

This is the crux of the docks problem. The dockers' answer to the 'Sunday Mirror' is to call for the nationalization of the shipping and docks industry under workers' control and its integration with inland transport of nationalized road haulage, railways and waterways.

Instead of Gunter and the Labour government looking for agitators and rivalry between the 'blue' and 'white' union workers, they should intervene in the Devlin enquiry with these proposals. The trade unions should demand a thorough investigation of the profits and activity of the port employers.

Bogey

The old bogey of the conflict between the 'blue' and 'white' is raised only to try and split docker from docker and port from port. The dockers should ignore this propaganda and strengthen the unity which was forged in the struggle over wages during 1964 in preparation for the showdown over decasualisation.

Unless the determination and solidarity of dockers is now expressed in organised resistance through the setting up of local and national portworkers' committees around these demands, the employers will destroy all the gains of the post-war years and turn the docks into a regimented concentration camp. to get rid of militants and that only militant shop floor action can defeat such moves.

EMERSON

As with the Emerson bonus scheme introduced by Pressed Steel at Linwood 16 months ago, the 'pool' scheme aims to further weaken factory organisation and to play craft workers against the unskilled and section against section. Once the 'pool' comes into operation every militant shop steward would be threatened.

Pressed Steel have recently been in difficulties with their Apex line and the number of car bodies turned out has declined between June and December 1964 by 40 per cent.

The total manpower employed on the Imp body production has, however, come down by only 15 per cent during the same period.

AS the weather gets colder and colder and the old age pensioners face increasing hardship, Wilson's Labour government refuses to raise the pensions immediately.

In spite of the obvious anger of all sections of the working class over this flagrant betrayal of the election promises made by the Labour Party to the old people, pensioners probably DRAUGHTSMEN at West Yorkshire Roundries Ltd (Leeds) are on strike over wage rates.

At this firm-which is the head foundry of the Leyland Group of foundries-it is reported that the highest paid draughtsman (excluding the

at From BOB SHAW, Our Scottish Correspondent NoW that short-time workWing has ceased at Pressed Steel, and all workers have gone on to a five-day week from December 21, 1964, the Pressed Steel Company at Linwood, Scotland, is pressing for the acceptance of a from skilled work at the craft rate of 8s. 8td. per hour to three varieties of job: • Odd job work—i.e., labouring Training in the company's training school-such training being purely speculative Used as replacement for absenteeism

deployment Plan is simply a device to obtain a much greater speed-up and rationalisation of their production.

ould are note in what ers should take note ol happening at Pressed Steel. The policy here is completely in line with that of the Labour government, which has called on industry to rationalise its production.

'NEDDIES'

The Ministry of Technology, headed by Mr. Cousins, is currently working up such schemes with its little 'Neddies'. The aim of such committees is to press managements to introduce schemes to rationalise production and to soften up the trade unions to accept them.

oth Brown and Gunter, echo no the lories, have demande that workers drop their restrictive practices and accept mobility of labour. The schemes to give compensation and operate labour 'pools' are the cushions oftered to soften the blow.

At Pressed Steel, workers put on the 'pool' can be transferred unleashed a reign of terror against nonconformist voters.

But unlike Azikiwe and his middle-class cronies, the masses are bitterly realising that salvation does not lie in a parliament, but in the strength and fibre of the working class and their leaders.

The discovery of vast deposits of oil in the western region and the talk of secession from the Federation by the Eastern region could lead to an explosive Congo-style intervention by many imperialist forces intent on making even more profit from the exploitation of the African workers through the rule of feudal reactionaries like Sir A'bubakar.

But the Nigerian workers, from their experiences under British colonialism, and since, have shown themselves as a force to be reckoned with—an organised industrial and militant force.