workers press

The Socialist Labour League's press: The Newsletter, Workers Press, Labour Review and Fourth International, 1952–1973. A searchable archive of the scans

Greetings to Sul congress irom French Trotskyists

By Cliff Slaughter

The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 399, 12 June 1965 · scan pages 2, 3

Read the scan at ETOL (PDF) →

Read from the scan by machine and not corrected: headlines and words can be misread, and a caption or advert can run into the text. For anything you quote, read the scan.

is of the ElecUnion and Engineering ot be solved in th the tired old ommunist Party Labour lefts'. em an historic nnot carry out, he new task, n, to change unions, train cadres in the h can only be nass scale by ho are ready h collaborates with imperialism.

ese struggles and their victory.

ernational, planned for early 1966. nal practices of Pabloism. period. nationalist movements. ment.' Urgent need for Communist daily paper The great demand of the hour, said Comrade Healy, is a communist daily newspaper that will fight, and summons people to fight, record and analyse every activity of the party, political struggles, views and the way in which it sees the vital questions affecting Lenin in 'What Is To Be Done' when he talks of an 'All Russian Political Newspaper' to develop the party and have a voice before the working class, he said. "The daily paper for us is the essence of everything. It is how to project the struggle to take power. We are going to fight all those tendencies, the Communist Party, the fake lefts and centrists, ruthlessly.

'Our greatest achievement is not just to defeat these people alone. We go beyond that. the Transitional Programme. the liquidationist revisionism of Pabloism. events.

Labour League. revisionists. national and a defeat of revisionism. political preparation and with the day by day struggle.

"The political situation will determine the time for launching the daily newspaper. But there is a note of great urgency Comrade Healy explained how the 'Daily Worker' and "Tribune' had lost circulation and the fact that the Labour Party was incapable of starting their own newspaper since the death of the 'Daily Herald'.

The Communist Party and the "Tribune'-ites were united in that they believed that the SCHl ing class from participating in building a leadership.

The Socialist Labour League fought them. That was why it was confident of a daily paper.

*If we can launch that paper at the height of the crisis in the leadership of the labour movement, we are set for a transformation. We can transform the Socialist Labour League from the present organisation into a mass organisation.

'We are really preparing for the mass revolutionary leadership in the youth movement, for the trade union and labour movement. You carry the responsibilities for this. You have to face up to them, he concluded.

Discussion

In discussion T. Sewell of London said discipline in the youth movement was not something which was just applied to the youth. The fight for discipline began from the real forces affecting the youth branches which existed in the whole crisis of capitalism. He explained how this was a world crisis. The working class in Britain had a real hatred of the Wilson government.

The youth movement existed outside the Labour Party, so they were not just fighting to expose the bureaucrats, but raising the whole question of power for the working class.

Discipline in the youth movement means that we have to implement this programme for power to show youth we mean business, he said.

F. Baines of Lancashire said that in the recent period people had been rallied to the revolutionary youth movement.

'We have got to attract the movement into industries and win new cadres and develop the youth around us into revolutionaries. But we have got to be very careful how we do this. In industry we will come into conflict with bureaucrats' Youth to fore The situation in industry with the struggle arising was totally different from before the General Election, he said.

In the recent Mersey dock strike it had been noticeable that the people who came to the front were not the old militants who had been around for years, but a completely new section of dockers aged between 20 and 30 years, who organised very quickly, giving real leadership to win the strike.

But it was not sufficient to simply go into the trade unions. Youth had to be taken in on real issues as they came up, such as strikes and completely sweep away others who wanted to hold them back.

'We should not be pessimistic about failures in the youth industrial work. We learn from our mistakes which enrich our theory. Youth are already confident in strikes, and, when they are fighting confidently, we must inject into them leadership and the need for the Party.' In the work over the past period, said D. White of London, youth had become more and more interested in politics and the Young Socialists. The Young Socialists were able to hold a series of campaigns starting with the September 27 demonstration, when they were able to bring 3,000 onto the streets. - 'This developed so we could have a The leadership of the French organisation, belonging to the International Committee of the Fourth International, has mandated two comrades to participate in the work of your Congress and bring the greetings of the French | Trotskyists.

During a long period of years, our two sections have I been harnessed to the task of rooting out Pabloite revisionism , from the Fourth International. Important steps have been made, but the principal thing is that, through this common struggle, a greater and greater homogeneity between our sections has been realised on a same line.

We have, together, understood perfectiy, which is the essential theory, that the struggle for the reconstruction of the Fourth International is inseparable from action to build the national sections of the Fourth International.

In other words, just as it is indispensable that the struggle for the construction of national revolutionary parties should take place on an international scale, so also active intervention of the revolutionary vanguard, organised in the national sections of the Fourth International, in relation with the concrete problems of the class struggle in each country, is the necessary discussion for the reconstruction of the Fourth International.

On this principled basis, the decisive battle for the Fourth International taken on by the International Committee will be deepened and enlarged with the second International Conference.

The combined crisis of world imperialism and the parasitic Soviet bureaucracy, which is beginning to produce the first manifestations of a new international movement, Ion the left, in the consciousness of wide masses of the • exploited and obbressed, despite temporary retreats in the varporton "rr. class struggle in one country or another, can now open positive perspectives for our organisational work.

Already, on the basis of this world conjuncture activities, Pabloism is in complete decomposition international scale.

We have no doubt that the principled struggle of our organisation of the Fourth International will finish with revisionism in all its forms, thus opening the way for the construction of powerful revolutionary parties in each country and the reconstruction of the World Party of the Socialist Revolution of which we established the basis, under the leadership of Leon Trotsky, in 1938.

Dear comrades, we wish the greatest possible effectiveness to the Socialist Labour League, which, in a few years, has become the strongest section of the Fourth International, the most important bastion which supports the struggle of the other sections and groups of the Fourth International. campaign against the right wing and the Labour government on the betrayal of old age pensions by uniting old and young workers in a demonstration, she said.

'From this campaign we achieved contact with adult workers in the trade unions and were able, in London, to campaign against racialism, which is a big achievement when you consider how racialism has penetrated the workers' movement and the youth. We held the demonstration through Mosley's area and got support from people, and trade unionists.' Struggles enriched Later the Young Socialists had marched with members of the Indian Workers' Association against the imprisonment of Indian communists and against the Vietnam war. This had culminated in May Day when many youth new to the Young Socialists shouted the slogan Workers of the world unite'.

This could not have happened last summer in the Mod and Rocker era, when youth would have treated it as a bit of a joke. This year a definite interest had been experienced and the youth were certainly not indifferent to Young Socialist leaflets.

This was because they had been through the experience of the betrayals of the trade union leaders and the Labour government, which had been enof our on an With Communist greetings, for the Central Committee P. LAMBERT.

riched by struggles of the adult workers. They could be further developed by bringing them into the Young Socialists and organising for the summer programme.

J. McEwan, who told how the miners in Bosworth had attacked Woodrow Wyatt for his position on steel, said Wyatt was merely the advance guard for the Wilson and Brown leadership, which was catching up very quickly with him.

Wyatt's constituency, said McEwan, was based on two towns, one a mining * own, another a hosiery town. The Youth under attack in the Mod and Rocker era. Voung Socialisis same youth is now attracted in great numbers to ol wage increases that it had won for years and years.

Capitalists weak

'We have come through a period of a Labour government which, with all its manoeuvres and betrayals, has been unable to solve any of the problems facing the capitalist class in relation to the working class,' she said.

'But I think that many comrades gained from these experiences of the working class on the offensive and undefeated, the impression that the winning of wage increases now has got something to do with capitalism's ability to give concessions to the working class, whereas quite the contrary is true.

'Giving concessions to the working class is part of the weakness of the capitalist class, its inability to form an organisation to come to terms, to work out plans and policies to defeat the working class.

'There is a paralysis of the ruling class and hesitation to take on the working class, to measure the real extent of its difficulties and to come to some solution,' she said.

The background to the discussion on the steel industry summed up the big problems facing British capitalism because of the developments affecting the productive forces.

Rationalisation

producuon several pounds produce the steel needed for British needs, bu his would need the rational or seven strip mills upon whic 0,000 workers are dependen his would mean taking o ne working class in all th areas duced.

1 ne behind tionalization was whether the with democratic sufficiently which are steel.

Merely to state and see he British working class as undefeated and on the offensive, winning wage increases and merely to see militancy of the working class, was a big danger. The working class could not solve its problems without the revolutionary party.

'We have the task of building a whole new layer of Marxist cadres of youth,' said a young London speaker. 'Our tasks are in fighting for the preparation rebuild the Fourth International and the preparation for the Internapolitical fight. dence.' This youth was now entering the political arena, was leaving school and coming into industrial struggles and really despising bureaucracy inside the labour movement and trade unions, she said.

'The various tendencies

who want to keep the status quo have nothing to offer this youth. We are showing quite successfully that only a revolutionary organisation fighting for revolutionary theory inside the youth movement can really attract youth at all and organise youth?

The important thing was to recognise that since the seven months of the Labour government the youth movement was facing a much different type of youth which readily discussed issues.

Theoretical training The newspaper of the youth movement had to reflect the theoretical training that the organisation wanted to give to this youth.

"To really reflect our drive to educate the working-class youth in the future, we want to produce political articles in the youth paper — articles dealing with the history of the working-class movement and ex the revoluton, and so ont she said.

"This is extremely important if we are really to explain and create the atmosphere for serious political education inside the youth movement.

This would be part of the training of youth to intervene in the trade union struggles.

'We have seen in the Foyle's strike, the tremendous amount of feeling there, and the contempt the youth had for the so-called leaders who i were trying to fob them off with all kinds of excuses, trying to tell them the strike was not a conflict. Experience in this strike will be important for future work in the trade unions.' With the intervention in the trade unions, the circulation of the paper had to be increased. It had a whole history of struggle and the defeat of the Labour bureaucracy.

NEXT WEEK:

The Newsletter will report the International Perspectives of the Socialist Labour League introduced at the Congress by

and 7th, 1965 THE NEWSI

← the whole issue

Something wrong on this page? Report an error