Right-wing attack on The Newsletter USDAW witch-hunt fails Industrial Newsletter

A witch-hunting emergency resolution moved by Christopher Norwood MP, one of the union's most prominent members, 'deplored the activities of and statements made in the publication, Newsletter, criticising the work of the union's officials in respect of the strike at Foyle's' Introduced immediately after the report of Divisional Officer, Callinan, the resolution was aimed at preventing any discussion of the conduct of the strike and of its future.

Its purpose was to give a free hand to officials to conduct the strike in any way they chose, even if this led to demoralisation and defeat.

So anxious were the platform to prevent discussion that the newly-elected President, Hanes, intervened in an attempt to prevent a delegate from the South-east London branch from taking part in the debate. He was overruled by the chairman of the conference.

Reference

Callinan's report included scarcely any reference to the activities during the strike. He gave no details of the finance collected from union branches and other unions, and made no mention of the solidarity action of post office workers and transport drivers. He did not speak of a rejection by the strikers last week of a return-to-work proposal on the basis of an exchange of letters with Foyle's management. Direct questions on these and other points, received no reply.

The criticisms of The Newsletter, that union officials were dragging their feet, had struck home.

One union official admitted that he and others concerned were inexperienced in the organisation of strikes, but he gave the conference an unequivocal undertaking that the strike would not be sold out and that he would stand with the strikers, until they had won their wage increase and the right of trade union representation.

Speaking against the resolution, delegates from South-east London said that a workers' paper had a duty to warn against the mistakes and hesitations of a strike.

The Newsletter had given and continued to give its full support to the strikers and this was the way in which to judge the criticisms made.

Articles in The Newsletter were aimed at helping the determination of the strikers with a clear understanding of what was involved.

Key dispute

The strike was a key dispute for young and for underpaid workers all over London. Its victory could bring about a great strengthening of union organisation in many trades.

By putting forward this resolution and by attempting to stifle proper discussion on the strike, the people responsible for any weakening in the spirit of the strike were the right wing.

Called on by the platform to waiting to see the union executive fulfil its promise to back the strike to the hilt.

Statements of the President, the Divisional Officer, and the area organisers, promising that money and organisational support will be poured into the strike to secure victory are to be welcomed.

The launching of a national appeal to all USDAW members, the drawing into action of union branches throughout London and the even more complete blocking of all supplies to Foyle's, remain to be carried out. promises from Labour's Deputy Prime Minister, George Brown.

Standing beneath a fluttering Union Jack, this loyal servant of Her Majesty told the miners—who face constant danger from accidents and disasters (due to the relentless pressure of production) as well as threats to their jobs from mechanisation, that they had to get rid of 'old fears' and 'face the challenge of change.

This Labour leader, who appointed the Tory, Aubrey Jones, at £15,000 a year to hold down wages, blandly stated: 'We did not say "elect us and we'll do the job"! With more truth than he intended, he declared: 'October was the month when the kidding had to stop' Despite his sugary-and vague-phrases about 'an integrated fuel policy' and a 'firm place for coal', this man has nothing for the miners but an attack on their living standards.

'We must stop borrowing money, he declared virtuously, 'to maintain a standard of living we aren't earning.' He did not explain how this fitted in with Labour's exhorbitant compensation payments to the steel bosses, with their generosity to the Ferranti profiteers, and with his own repeated assurances to big businessmen that they can make their money under Labour.

SIGNIFICANT

More significant than Brown's speech, however, was the large number of policemen who stood at the back of the crowd while he was speaking. Plain clothes men mingled with the crowd and pointed out where the Young Socialists were sitting.

More policemen were in a tent behind the speakers' platform and two vans belonging to a security firm were parked near the gates.

George Brown must go in fear of the Young Socialists if Labour Party officials have to call in police reinforcements whenever their leaders speak.

This blatant attempt to try and provoke the youth, however, failed.

The only political intervention at this gala was made by the Socialist Labour League and the Young Socialists.

There was no sign at all of the Young Communist League, which, a few year's ago, had a branch over 100 strong in Barnsley.

issues