The Newsletter, vol. 9 no. 402

YS YOUNG Socialists made an impressive. demonstration ot opposition to Woodrow Wyatt at the Leicestershire Miners Gala near Coalville last Saturday.

As the main speaker, George Brown, stepped onto the platform he was handed a copy of a leaflet published by the Leicestershire Federation of Young Sucialists. The leafiet, which circulated in hundreds among the miners and their families, stated: 'We believe that not only the miners but the great majority of Labour voters in the Bosworth Constituency are opposed to Wyatt. We stand 100 per cent behind the miners' SPLITTER WYATT It went on to say that if Wyatt stood at the next General Election he would split the local labour movement and Labour would fose the Bosworth seat. The Young Socialists demanded that the Labour Party should sack Wyatt and replace him by a candidate pledged to full steel nationalization.

As Brown began to speak the Young Socialists unfolded their banners which demanded: 'Support the miners and throw out Wyatt!' and 'Nationalize Steel without compensation!' Sensing the wide support for the Young Socialist demonstration, Brown completely evaded the issue by saying: I am taking a day off from politics. It is your day off and my day off and I do not intend to say anything political.

Many miners, who had expected Brown to make a clear statement on Wyatt, deeply resented his contemptuous dismissal of their campaign to replace the local Labour MP.

It is now becoming clear to them that if their campaign is to succeed it is going to involve a sharp conflict with the Labour Party leadership itself.

NO DIFFERENCE Brown made it obvious during the steel debate in parliament that there is little difference between the Labour government's policy and Wyatt's policy.

Wyatt himself, at a meeting in Hinckley last week glibly claimed that: You may find the policy which I have been advocating may not be far from what happens in the end.' The Leicestershire miners leaders have outlined a plan by which they hope to undermine Wyatt's position in the Bosworth Constituency Labour Party (reported on page 4).

Through their own experience in the Labour Party, the Young Socialists have , found that while efficient organisation is important, only a clear political understanding can bring victory. The Leicestershire miners must now realise that they are taking on not just Wyatt, but the whole policy and organisation of the right wing of the Labour Party. In that struggle they will receive 100 per cent support of the Young Socialists and the Socialist Labour League. By THE M Labour candidate for Smethwick, writing in R. ANDREW FAULDS, the prospective "The Journal', monthly organ of the Birmingham Trades Council, said that the direct effect on Britain, if she condemned American action in Vietnam in the same manner as France, would be "devaluation of the pound within three months'. The British government, however, he said, had little choice but to support American action due to the present economic pressures.

From a capitalist point of view he is absolutely right. His statement simply bears out what The Newsletter has been saying since the Labour government was elected, that the policy of the right-wing Labour leadership is to operate capitalism. Wilson, Callaghan and the rest of these renegades are tied hand and foot to the coat-tails of American imperialism.

Let off steam But where does the statement of Mr. Faulds leave the so-called 'Left' of the Labour Party?

They are just as well aware as he is of these facts, but not a single "Tribune'-ite MP in the House of Commons has dared expose them. Instead they join hands with the Communist Party and other woolly pacifists in organising lobbies which they know mean absolutely nothing.

The recent lobby on 'Vietnam Day' was nothing more than letting off steam under conditions where the sponsors knew very well that its opinions counted little so far as President Johnson and the Pentagon were concerned.

Johnson knows that he has the Labour government in his pocket so why should he worry.

Socialist road The present deadlock over Vietnam emphasises, more forcibly than ever, the need for the British labour movement to take the socialist road. A break, economically, from the United States is inconceivable without the expropriation of the great monopolies, banks, and trusts in Britain.

There are plenty of resources to overcome the present economic crisis but they are concentrated in the hands of a small selfish group of capitalists. These men, together with their counterparts in the United States, have a mortal fear of socialism and communism. There can be no independence from Wall Street without the nationalization of all their wealth and possessions.

Defeat troops Fake lefts talk of a negotiated peace in Vietnam. Here again, they reveal themselves as humbugs and hypocrites.

There can be no peace in that war-torn country whilst there are American troops and their mercenaries occupying key centres in South Vietnam. These troops must be defeated and the task of the international labour movement is to give full support to the Vietcong in do this.

The role of the United States in South Vietnam today is no different from the role of Franco in Spain before the war. All the same barbaric forms of brutality persist. "Tribune' and the fake lefts condone Wilson and his government being economically tied to American imperialism so they want 'a peace' that will leave the Americans where they are in Vietnam. Vietcong victory The Newsletter and the Socialist Labour League do not want any such peace. We want a victory for the Vietcong and the right of the Vietnamese people, North and South, to decide their own destiny.

This is the reason why we are giving all out support to the Young Socialist demonstration in London on Sunday, July 18. We call upon the rank and file of the entire labour movement to join us.

Saturday, July 3, 1965 WHERE PABLO?

• lished in the GreekCyprus newspaper 'Mahi' on June 22, 1965, which claims that Michael Raptis (Pablo) représented the Cyprus government in Algeria. The report says that, despite enquiries by the government, Pablo has been missing since Ben Bella was captured, and cannot be traced.

The Newsletter, in reporting this news item, has been unable to check its authenticity.

Algerian

coup -a final, crushing blow to revisionists

EVERY rank and file trade unionist in the labour movement, we are sure, salutes the Foyle's strikers for their determined struggle which is now six weeks old.

Although a spate of consultation has taken place between the management and the union concerned, the Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers, a satisfactory settlement is still not in sight and in the last few days the Ministry of Labour has intervened to no avail. he proprietors of this bookshop hold out on an issue of vital principle which in fact boils down to whether or not they should recognise the trade union in so far as the negotiations on wages and working conditions are concerned.

Idom has there been a strike with so much popular support. Before it began the wages paid were entirely inadequate. The labour employed consisted mainly of young students, who have to secure work in order to maintain them at their studies. This section of young workers are perhaps the most exploited of all by those employers who employ a high percentage of casual labour. ere is a vital principle involved at Foyle's. Can the trade unions organise lower paid workers? USDAW needs help from the entire trade union movement. Where, for instance, does the TUC stand on the question of Foyle's?

Mr. Woodcock, its general secretary, likes to play the role of 'elder stateman'. 'Why does he not make a statement on the Foyle's strike? A word from him may well settle this issue, since the management concerned cannot possibly stand out against the entire trade union movement. any of the people who regularly buy books at Foyle's are in fact members of the Labour Party as well as their appropriate trade union. The Labour Party is now in control of the Ministry of Labour. Surely it should not be difficult to explain the 'facts of life' to Christina Foyle? et the strike drags on far too long. Why should the indecisive leadership of the TUC be allowed to make the conditions, under which these young workers live, continue for one minute longer than is necessary? Let the TUC speak out now. leanwhile let the entire trade union movement send its biggest possible donations and messages of support to the Secretary, Strike Committee, Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers, Dilke House, Malet Street, London, W.C.1. of mere sympathy for the victims of imperialist attack, but of admiration for the heroic fight to drive out the imperialists and their puppets.

This is the background to the campaign around last Wednesday's lobby of Parliament, organised by the British Council for Peace in Vietnam.

As its title indicates, the Council is not at all concerned with helping the Vietnamese workers and peasants to secure as rapid and complete a victory as possible.

Re-call demand

Backed by the Communist Party, Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and some 'left' Labour MPs, it is devoted to pressing the Labour government to re-call the Geneva Conference of 1954.

It was at Geneva that the Vietminh, after militarily smashing French imperialism, were robbed of victory with the agreement of the Russian and Chinese leaders. Although the U.S. government never signed the Geneva Agreement, the present war is to maintain the partition of Vietnam into North and South, which was its main consequence.

in May, it launched a petition. This 'humbly prays Her Majesty's government to dissociate itself from any. acts which support one side or the other' in Vietnam.

Lord apologist

• Naturally, such a campaign could only choose as its chairman, Lord Brockway.

Posing as a friend of the colonial people, he is, in reality, their worst enemy.

Since October, he has been busy apologising for the treachery of Wilson. While bemoaning the way the government has trailed the Americans, he has continually assured us that the Labour leaders were about to undergo a change of heart.

So he has repeated his role in the Korean war.

Then chairman of the Congress of Peoples Against Imperialism, he had backed the fake United Nations' action, with which U.S.

imperialism had belatedly cloaked its attack on the Korean workers.

But it is the Communist irty which forms the exemely feeble backbone of the Cont. page 4, col. 5 →

LINER TRAINS for discussion is the liner-train scheme. Page Two Page July • 1965

Despine ators of the press and the govern ment to spread the maximum confusion, there is a growing feeling of support for the Vietnam liberation struggle among wide sections of the British working class.

For many young workers and students it is not a matter The agreement pretended to prepare for all-Vietnam elections, which everyone expected the Vietminh to win overwhelmingly. But the elections were put off for two years, against Vietminh protests.

By that time, U.S. puppets had replaced those of the French as rulers of South Vietnam.

When the Council was set

B/OSL FILE IS FOR 14 years the Vietcong have been waging a fierce battle against American THE Young Socialists support all those workers and peasants in South Vietnam W who are fighting imperialist domination. WE strongly condemn the shameful support given by Prime Minister Harold Wilson to the American government's South-East Asia.

The Labour government National Liberation Fron Withdraw all troops fr Workers of the world war policy must recognise.

of S. Vietnam! m S.E. Asia!

FROM MARBLE ARCH YOUNG SOCIALISTS SUNDAY, JULY 18 Coaches leave from against imperialism! Join 1.30 p.m. in London

LONDON Young Socialists have called a demonstration on July 18 against the war in South Vietnam and in solidarity with the workers and peasants of the Vietcong, who are waging a fierce struggle against American imperialism. In the weeks before the demonstration Young Socialists will campaign with the leaflet (seen above) to bring hundreds of youth onto the march. Irades union branches have been invited to participate. The demor tration, organised by the Young Socialists, will be in clear contrast to the lobby of Communist Party and its members, held this week. The Young Socialists along with the Socialist Labour League is the only section of the labour movement to firmly demand a victory to the Vietcong.

nervous THE slide of Wall Sireet share prices gathered momentum this week. It has gone on consistently since the market reached its all-time peak on May 14.

Then, the Dow-Jones index for industrial shares hit 939.62. Last Monday it slumped to 840.59.

Stock market experts have been puzzled by this failure of confidence. It had its chief explanation in the widespread belief that the five-year expansion of the U.S. economy is coming to an end.

This is not an internal American phenomenon, but part of an international trend. 1965 has seen a marked decline in world trade:

This reflected in the slump in prices of commodities like sugar, tin and cocoa. It is related to the measures taken by several capitalist governments, especially the U.S., to avert balance of payments crises.

To save the dollar, Johnson has had to restrict the outflow of U.S. investment. This has hit a number of economies at a time when they already face big problems.

Preparations for sterling devaluation are probably being considered jointly with the U.S. government. This operation, Which could severely damage the whole precarious structure of world trade if bungled, depends on the submission of British trade unionists to wage freezing.

The fear of such developments lies behind the highly nervous and depressive state of the New York speculators.

by our industrial correspondent Labour's Minister of Transport, Fraser, gave the go-ahead to the British Railways Board to introduce 'liner-trains' -an express freight system to serve the whole country.

The idea for this service was mooted by the Tories several years ago, and was nurtured by Dr. Beeching, chairman of the Board until he returned recently to his job with Imperial Chemical Industries.

But in the past 18 months, since the scheme has been under discussion, railwaymen throughout the country have made clear their opposition to the terms under which they would have to work the trains. They see their fight, and continue it, on the basis of how it will affect railwaymen, but the scheme has much wider implications.

Almost two years ago, Beeching announced a special freight service to run exclusively between the Ford motor car factories at Halewood, Liverpool, and Dagenham, London. Beeching provided special wagons, painted in the Ford livery of blue and white. Each wagon cost about €5,000 and is 38 feet long (twice the usual length of rail wagons) and carries about 22 tons.

No cost There are now 750 such trains running each week throughout Britain for 50 firms.

A 'Daily Telegraph' correspondent reported at the time of the deal with Ford: "The company, I was assured, has borne none of the cost of this new rolling stock, upon which the true liner-train equipment will be based.' Quite clearly, then, the real purpose of the scheme is to use yet another nationalized industry to work for private enterprise.

Under the proposed scheme, which is expected to come into operation by the end of this year, 55 liner-trains will operate between specially constructed depots or terminals in all the major cities.

It is reported that timetrials are already under waya "fully loaded liner-train is running between Derby and Carlisle at an average speed of 70 to 80 m.p.h., and work has begun on the depots (our reporter saw ground levelled in preparation for a terminal near to the Manchester Picadilly station).

These depots will have large American cranes installed to lift the 20-ton containers onto the liner-train wagons, which 'are permanently coupled to cut out time-wasting shunting.

Seen in line with the developments on the docks and airports, and improvements like the motorways, linertrains are an important step forward towards a future integrated and automated transport system.

But seen also, in line with present rationalisation and subsequent redundancies suffered in all these industries, such a system will become, in the hands of the capitalists and their agents in the Labour government, yet another attack on the living conditions of the working class.

'Pruning'

Even since the advent of hauliers by threatening a stopBeeching as chairman of the page. Board, one railman claimed, Now, railway drivers have most departments had been formed a pool system, which 'pruned' by at least one-third any station can draw on when Beeching had introduced his it is short of lorries. 'method-men' to carry out time British Railways is almost and motion studies and there the largest haulage company in had been a reduction, not in the country, and the majority efficiency, but in labour costs. of the drivers belong to the He gave the example of a National Union of Railway'length gang' of 10 men who men. examine a séction of track each Both Fraser and George day. Three or four men had Brown, the Minister for The special treight service arranged between Beeching and the Ford Motor Company, which became the forerunner of liner-trains. left the gang and had never been replaced, and later the depleted gang had been merged with another.

In negotiations with the National Union of Railwaymen, the Railways Board has attempted to carry this 'pruning' even further by demanding that there is no guard on a liner-train.

The union has remained firm on this question and the Board has now conceded that guards must ride in a brake van at the rear of the linertrains. Even when the prototype train left a London engineering works for Derby, the union insisted on an ordinary goods brake van being operated.

But it is on the major issue of entry of private hauliers into the liner-train terminals— the real attack on the concept of a nationalized industrythat the executive committee of the union has been weakening.

Opposed

In a recent editorial in the union's weekly 'Railway Review' ', Transport Minister, Fraser, was attacked for 'the admission of a Tory concept of Transport co-ordination' but almost in the same breath the writer spoke of 'opportunities for road hauliers to participate' if the service 'became greater than could be dealt with by the railway's own collection and delivery services.

The rank and file are bitterly opposed to any idea of 'open terminals, which could lead eventually to 18,000 redundancies. They are suggesting that only themselves and British Road Services drivers be allowed into the denots.

They are also asking that they be granted commercial driving licences to enable them to drive the long hauls from, nationalization.

for instance, the north of Scotland to the nearest depot which will probably be in Glasgow.

Their determination was shown recently when private hauliers began creeping into an existing goods depot in Manchester, allegedly because there was a shortage of British Railways' lorries. These hauliers were being paid, or demanded, excessive rates.

Union members forced the Board to withdraw these BOOK REVIEW at appearance in English - for the first time of the almost legendary book by Preobrazhensky, "The New Economics, in a readable translation by Brian Pearce, is to be welcomed.

It will dispel some myths which have collected around what he calls the 'law of primitive socialist accumulation', as well as show the quality of the thought of the leading economist of the Left Opposition of the 1920s.

The work begins with an important discussion of the Marxist method in political economy which sets the stage for the main analytical sections. Typically, this chapter is dismissed by the editor, A. Nove, as being 'heavily spiced with jargon', perhaps because he could not understand it.

He seems principally concerned with showing that what he calls 'the Trotsky-Preobrazhensky attitude' was contradictory and utopian because it put forward a programme for rapid industrialisation without forcible collectivisation and expropriation.

Preobrazhensky was, in fact, trying to work out a consistently Marxist approach to the problems of socialist planning, under the specific conditions of backward Russia, as part of a general political programme. Essentially his argument is simple.

Under the New Economic Policy, while the workers' state controlled manufacturing industry and had a monopoly of foreign trade, most agriculture, artisan industry and part of distribution remained in Economic Affairs, have joined in the general attack on the union. When they met a union delegation recently, Brown was, apparently, very adamant about the scheme. He could not see why the union should not bend on the matter.

It is also reported that he said the matter was very delicate and that five to six million pounds had already been spent on the scheme (which Will eventually cost £100 million, all borrowed at high interest rates, no doubt).

Desperate

The talk with the Ministers encouraged Beeching, at a similar meeting a week later, to throw down the gauntlet and say that with, or without union agreement, the Board would go ahead with the scheme.

There have been some guarantees from the Board about redundancies, but the attitudes of the Ministers and Beeching reveal how desperate they are to carry through the scheme for their employer and Tory friends.

The guarantee of 'no redu ncy' will probably mean th man will be offered a j‹ private hands. The task of the state was to funnel resources from the private sector into industrial accumulation.

Two contradictory principles operated in the Soviet economy at this time. The law of value, operating in the private sector, tended to perpetuate and extend capitalist relations in association with the pressures flowing in from the capitalist world market.

The carrying forward of

Preobrazhensky's

New Economics socialist industrialisation was substantially identical with the operation of a different regulatory principle which Preobrazhensky called the law of primitive socialist accumulation.

Just as capitalist accumulation at the expense of wage labour had been preceded by a period of prior accumulation at the expense of petty commodity producers and pre-capitalist forms, so state industry would have to make use of resources drawn from the peasant, commodity-producing and capitalist sectors.

Capitalism came into the world dripping with blood, as Marx had put it. By its very nature the workers' state could not accumulate either at the expense of the health and welfare of the working class or through the forcible expropriation of the peasants or the use of methods of plunder and exploitation characteristic of early capitalism.

What Preobrazhensky adThe vocated had nothing in common with the heavy-handed, brutal and panic-stricken measures actually used by Stalin after 1928.

Of course, opposition to the law of value meant the use of non-economic as well as economic means: the actual choice of means and their combination could _ vary. They included price policy in the nationalized sector and in foreign trade, taxation, control of money and credit.

The object was to transfer part of the social surplus created in the private sector Marxist transitional period. It can be said that this represented a genuine Marxist discovery generalised from the early experiences of the Soviet regime, but with obvious much wider application.

A tribe of official economists, headed by Preobrazhensky's former close friend, Bukharin, then in alliance with Stalin, was set to work to demolish and discredit his work.

Some of his counterpolemic, which has dated rather badly, is included in this volume.

It represented the workedout view of the Left Oppositionists that rejection of Stalin's policy of 'socialism in one country' did not at all prevent a start being made with industrialisation.

There was an alternative to Stalinism and this book demonstrated, in advance, that the methods of Stalin could not lead to socialism. A careful reading of this book makes it very clear how different 'primitive socialist accumulation', as advocated by Preobrazhensky and Trotsky, was from the methods actually used after 1928.

The analogy with capitalist primitive accumulation was limited by the fact that socialism could not be built by methods incompatible with its nature.

'The New Economics' by E. Preobrazhensky. Translated from the Russian by Brian Pearce. With an Introduction by Nove. Oxford University Press. Price 55/-.

Jul ' HE recent military the revisionist subordination to

Both ditions the British and Cliff Slaughter 'MAKE Marxism a real force in the Universities': this was the theme of the winding-up speech by Cliff Slaughter at the symposium organised by Leeds University Students' Marxist Society from June 22 to 25.

Over 100 students from 13 universities, with visitors from the Continent had attended the sessions to discuss the impact of Marxism in various fields of science and social thought.

'Cybernetics and Capitalism', the first paper read to the symposium, provoked a lively discussion. Dr. C. S. Smith, who read the paper, had to insist on a Marxist view of the relation between society and technical advance against those who speculated about 'rule by machines', on the one hand, and those who contented themselveswith drawing parallels between the mechanism of cybernetics and the laws of dialectics on the other.

Qualitative change

He drew attention to the qualitative change brought by cybernetics and automation to the clash between capitalism and the advance of humanity's techniques.

From the beginning, it was no abstract discussion. As the chairman, Jane Morris, had pointed out, the old 'dislike of theory', which has characterised British politics, rested on certain privileged conditions of British capitalism.

As these conditions are being • undermined, and the class struggle takes a new form, particularly thrusting forward the youth of the working class, so Britain must and will become the cockpit of important advances in Marxist theory. The symposium had to be seen in this light.

Matter

Several papers were read on recent discoveries about the nature of matter, and work has now been commenced which will prove of real value in strengthening the materialist view of the world upon which a revolutionary party in Britain must be based.

The symposium went on to discuss the Marxist theory of social development, beginning with Professor Peter Worsley's paper ' "Origin of the Family" Revisited'.

In this discussion, the whole question of 'stages of social development' was raised in relation, both to theories of history, and to problems of whether under - developed nations could achieve the transition to socialism without first going through capitalism.

Confusion

was pointed out that most of the confusion on this question had been a direct consequence of Stalinism in the USSR, with its insistence on the separate development and analysis of the class struggle in each country.

On Thursday, the symposium discussed various papers on 'Marxism and Philosophy beginning with Dr. Axel Stern's paper 'Is There a Marxian Morality'. Dr. Stern gave a thorough exposition of Marx's ideas of alienation and humanism, as expressed in the early into industry to make possible faster growth through the expansion of the industries producing means of production, i.e., expanded reproduction.

The principle of primitive socialist accumulation imposed itself with necessary force upon the state if it were 1o systematically substitute socialist relations of production for capitalist relations based on the law of value.

It therefore assumed the status of a law which interacted with and stood in contradictory relationship to the law of value in the 'Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844'.

In the discussion, many participants pointed out the later developments in Marx's thinking, and the need for a much more specific and class approach to morality.

Other papers in this section included W. McElroy on 'Professor Pepper and Karl Marx'-a reply to the arguments that Marx's theories of society are unscientific-and a contribution on the bourgeois philosophy of pragmatism, read Secretary of the Young Socialists.

The novel David Caute, author of 'Communism and the French Intellectuals', -and himself a novelist, spoke on 'Marxism and the Novel'. He sketched the history of Marxist literary criticism, and presented, in detail, the ideas of Lucien Goldmann in his book 'Towards a Sociology of the Novel' (published in French).

A vigorous discussion suggested that before the literature of today can be understood, the nature of the epoch must be seen as one of the crisis of leadership, and not only of wars and revolutions.

On the last day, five hours of intensive discussion took place on the international situation, with participation by comrades from Eastern Europe, the Arab countries, and East Africa. This discussion based itself on earlier papers on imperialism by Tom Kemp and Peter Jeffries.

Vietnam

On Vietnam, it was hammered out that without a struggle to build the Fourth International, all talk of support for the Vietnamese people would lead to nothing. A campaign against the British government, rather than to win its support for 'negotiations', is the first necessity for this internationalism in Britain.

However, within a few years, the kind of discussion of which "The New Economics' was a part was no longer permitted. The work itself was never completed. Preobrazhensky was forced to retract after the break-up of the Left Opposition in Russia, though this did not save him from death during the purges.

Bukharin, whose opposition had been based upon conciliation with the peasantry and 'socialism at a snail's pace', later met the same fate when Stalin had no further use for him.

Preobrazhensky's book emerges as an honest attempt to face a complex and difficult problem on Marxist lines.

coup d'etat in Algiers... contains-most important lessons for Marxists. Colonel Boumedienne's army, which deposed President Ben Bella, is the instrument of 'order' on behalf of the native capitalist class in Algeria.

A national - revolutionary struggle, involving years of large-scale armed conflict, was necessary before these native capitalists could take hold of state power. As in all national revolutions, the bourgeoisie had a double problem: to establish their own power by shaking off the foreign imperialist domination; and to push back the forces of the workers and peasants whom they had to mobilise for the first aim.

So great is their fear of the popular forces of the workers and peasants, and so impossible their development as an 'independent' capitalism in the modern world of monopoly capitalism, that these bourgeois-nationalist governments do not even carry out the elementary tasks of the national struggle for the bourgeois-democratic revolution. Land reform, a complete break with imperialist power, and democracy-all of these become the subject of compromise with the imperialists, and repression of the people.

Classical

Marxists in our epoch, organised behind the programme of Lenin and Trotsky in the Fourth International, have approached this problem always with the theory of Permanent Revolution. Only the working class, leading the poor peasantry, with its own Marxist party in a struggle for workers' state power, can complete the bourgeois-democratic revolution, and for this, a political struggle against the national bourgeoisie is necessary.

In Algeria, these problems were presented in almost classical form.

However, a whole group of so-called Trotskyists, the revisionists, Pablo, Germain; Frank and later the leaders of the American Socialist Workers' Party, who came to their support in 1963 in the 'United Secretariat', instead of opposing the national bourgeoisie and fighting for an independent proletarian revolutionary party, offered themselves as apologists for the bourgeois-nationalist leaders.

These revisionists encouraged the fatal illusion that colonial liberation movements would transform themselves into socialist revolution without the independent Marxist party, and without a struggle against the bourgeois nationalists.

They went further, and concluded that nationalist leaders, such as Ben Bella, would lead the nation to the establishment of a workers' state.

Pablo, who recently split from Germain, Frank and Hansen in Paris, went to the extreme of taking a post in the Ben Bella administration.

For something like a year, these Pabloites, particularly the Paris clique, have expressed shamefaced doubts about their 'premature' conclusion that Algeria was a 'workers' state'.

They have written 'worried' articles about the masses' resistance to bureaucracy and the concentration of power in the centralised state and Presidency.

Final blow

The Boumedienne coup has delivered the final crushing blow to this revisionist school (see last week's Newsletter). A revolutionary situation with a divided ruling class today finds the Algerian working class and peasantry leaderless.

Those revisionists who lent the name of "Trotskyism' and 'Marxism' to the stifling of independent working - class politics bear a historic responsibility for this situation.

They condemned the International Committee, and its sections, such as the Socialist Labour League, for 'sectarianism' when we denounced the arrests of oppositionists like Boudiaf, and when we drew capitalist character of the Algerian state and of the Evian agreement, to the suppression of independent trade unions and to the centralised state's restrictions on workers and peasants.

Above all, we were condemned for an insistance that. the workers must have their own party, independent of the National Liberation Front (FLN), independent of the bourgeoisie, and opposed to the myth of national unity perpetrated by Ben Bella and the bourgeois leaders.

The supporters and sympathisers of this revisionist tendency are now of course in disarray.

"The Militant', organ of the Socialist Workers' Party, appeared last week-end with just over 100 words on the coup— 'the facts are still unclear'.

It would have been better to remain silent, we suggest, than to say in one sentence:

'The military coup that overthrew the Ben Bella regime is obviously a political move of the deepest significance for the Algerian people and the world socialist movement.' And then to say in the next:

.. it is not realistically CLIFF SLAUGHTER examines reactions to the coup in 'The Militant', organ of the Socialist Workers' Party of America, and World Outlook, magazine of the 'Unified Secretariat' of revisionists in possible determine if General Boumedienne's seizure of power will mean a general continuation of the policies of the Ben Bella goverment or a significant shift away from them.' Fortunately, perhaps, "The ilitant' now goes on to its mmer schedule and will not pear again until July 12.

With regard to countries with a belated bourgeois development, especially the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the theory of the permanent revolution signifies that the complete and genuine solution of their tasks of achieving democracy and national emancipation is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat as the leader of the subjugated nation, above all of its peasant masses.

Not only the agrarian, but also the national question assigns to the peasantry-the overwhelming majority of the population in backward countries an exceptional place in the democratic revolution. Without an alliance of the proletariat with the peasantry the tasks of the democratic revolution cannot be solved, nor even seriously posed. But the alliance of these two classes can be realised in no other way than through an irreconcilable struggle against the influence of the national-liberal bourgeoisie.

No matter what the first episodic stages of the revolution may be in the individual countries, the realisation of the revolutionary alliance between the proletariat and the peasantry is conceivable only under the political leadership of the proletarian vanguard, organised by the Communist Party. This in turn means that the victory of the democratic revolution is conceivable only through the dictatorship of the proletariat which bases itself upon the alliance with the peasantry and solves first of all the tasks of the democratic revolution.

excerpt from 'Permanent If we turn to 'World Outlook', published by the United Secretariat in Paris, we find a more comprehensive treatment.

'Boumedienne's seizure of Power' is the main news article, which informs us that the Algiers' coup 'has been judged by experts (?) in this field to be one of the most skilful in history. It caught virtually everyone by complete surprise, the most stunned of all being Ben Bella who was hauled out of his bedroom at 2.25 a.m. by the conspirators' No doubt!

Once the inspired journalism is done with, we get down to

Paris

the political verdict. Says 'World Outlook':

'In the absence of a well-organised vanguard party, of unions with an independent leadership, the army stood as the only cohesive power in the country?

In the guise of a 'Marxist' commentary, we THE PERMANENT REVOLUTION?

and Results and Prospects by Leon Trotsky, 152-3, published by New Park Publications Ltd.

here have blanket drawn over the decisive questions.

What is a 'well-organised vanguard party'? There is deliberate confusion here.

'World Outlook' wants one set of readers (Ben Bella's entourage, the July 26 movement in Cuba and all sorts of 'progressives') to understand by this phrase the official party of the Algerian state, the National Liberation Front. One wing of the Algerian national bourgeoisie and most, perhaps, of the Algerian petty - bourgeois politicians, would prefer control through this party to army control.

Only the working class, leading the poor peasantry (seen here in flight during the war with the French) with its own Marxist Party, in a struggle for workers' state power can complete the bourgeois-democratic revolution, and for this a struggle against the naional bourgeoisic is necessar:

At the same time, 'World Outlook' hopes that those who regard themselves as Trotskyists will understand by a 'vanguard party, the revolutionary proletarian party of Marxism.

Above all, the relation between the two things must not be clarified.

But this clarification precisely what has been necessary in the past period. In this way, the revisionists complete their betrayal, just as they did in Ceylon.

In the same issue of 'World Outlook' is published a declaration by the 'United Secretariat of the Fourth International' (i.e., Paris revisionists) on June 23, 'Defend the Algerian Revolution'. Here, the position of the revisionists is stated more precisely.

In this declaration, all manner of radical phrases are thrown out, but the question of independent working-class politics and a Trotskyist party of the Fourth International in Algeria, is avoided.

This same World Outlook commented only a few weeks ago that Ben Bella's announcement withdrawing the death sentence on Ait Ahmed was a 'sign of the strength of the Ben Bella regime'.

Now they say:

"The ease with which Ben Bella • was removed from power... shows the correctness of the criticisms which the revolutionary Marxists offered while supporting Ben Bella against the rightwing forces that sought to block, slow down and de-rail the Algerian revolution' How 'correct' can you get?

'World Outlook' says all this has happened because:

•... the Algerian revolution had not been carried through to the end, to the institution of a workers' state based on committees of workers and poor peasants exercising the real power' The main question is igired: such a state could only have been created by building a Marxist revolutionary party, opposing the bourgeois nationalists in every one of the actions which they took to halt the revolution and consolidate their own power.

The revisionists, instead, speculated about whether Ben Bella was 'another Castro' i.e., someone capable, in their opinion, of taking the revolution through to workers power.

All the criticisms in the world of Ben Bella's compromises with the Right, his attacks on the unions, his concentration of personal power, are worse than useless without the struggle to build an alternative, the basis of which must be a revolutionary workers' party.

In so far as the revisionists only campaigned for greater 'pressure' organised by the 'left wing' to change the policy of the FLN, they helped the reactionary forces to prepare the present situation.

Their deception now will convince no one in Algeria, France or anywhere else. The sum total of their politics was to persuade militants that the FLN itself could become the 'mass vanguard party' which they now talk about at every turn.

'Negative'

And so to the miserable conclusions of this declaration (of bankruptcy). The theory of the permanent revolution, it appears, has 'been strikingly confirmed; this time, unfortunately (sic) not in a positive sense as in the case of Cuba, but in a negative way.

After advocating liquidation of the revolutionary party, placed by Trotsky at the centre of the theory of the permanent revolution, you then pronounce the verdict that 'unfortunately', the theory has been confirmed in a 'negative' way.

The whole process is viewed as something separate from Marxist theory, not as a process in which this theory, gives concrete form in the revolutionary party, plays a decisive objective role.

Only after the negative conmation, is it necessary to y, as does the declaration's xt sentence, that:

No conquests in colonial revolution can be considered to have been consolidated until a workers' state has been created, until a revolutionary socialist party has been built, until the workers and poor peasants hold power through their own institutions of proletarian democracy?

Not a word about the criminal confusion between the working - class revolutionary party and the bourgeoisnational movement. Not a word about the criminal responsibility of the authors of this same declaration, who have been in the forefront of Permanept Revoluton This is a polemic against Radek in 1928. Trotsky examines the arguments against his pre-war theory of the permanent revolution (as expounded in Results and Prospects) and takes up the history of his differences with Lenin before 1917, of which Stalin and his henchmen made so much. Trotsky shows that it was Lenin's criticisms of his attitude to the centralised Marxist party, which he afterwards understood and accepted, that kept them apart, and not their differences on the permanent revolution. bourgeois-national leaders like Ben Bella.

Their vagueness about the 'Algerian left wing' is matched by the statements earlier this year by Pablo, recently expelled from the leadership of the United Secretariat. He referred constantly to 'the organised left, the marching wing' of the revolution, but he discussed always within the framework of Algeria as a country on the road to socialism.

When he criticised government tutelage of the unions he did this always in terms of the state becoming isolated from the masses.

What was actually required was a struggle of the workers, leading the poor peasantry, to fight behind a Trotskyist party for their own power in opposition to the existing state.

Ben Bella has for years been consolidating the centralised state power against the workers and peasants. Boumedienne and the right have thrown him out because he did not go far enough and was too prone to give concessions to the masses.

As soon as Ben Bella had worked with Boumedienne for the 1962 overthrow of the old provisional government, he used Boumedienne's army to consolidate bourgeois state power.

This army was quite separate from the popular liberation force which fought the French. It was preserved in relatively privileged and comfortable conditions after the liberation, having previously been kept out of the fighting.

Collaboration

It was used to suppress and disarm all remaining forces of the Maquis in the different regions of Algeria. The resolution of the National Liberation Front Congress to create a people's militia remained just a scrap of paper.

This army consolidated its power while independence of the unions was eaten away and the land reform was halted. It was a classical example of the bourgeoisie halting the democratic revolution, to collaborate with imperialism, and attack the workers and peasants.

Ben Bella, with his demagogic speeches and popular appeal, was necessary to the Algerian bourgeoisie and the imperialists only during the initial difficult period.

The reactionaries behind Boumedienne have now decided that his 'left' talk about socialism can be dispensed with, and they will provide their own substitute.

This does not mean that the struggle is over or that the new regime is firmly established, but there can no longer be any doubt about the forces which have been established.

Certainly the Algerian . are of great consequence for Marxist theory and the working-class movement. But the revisionists of the "United Secretariat' cannot calculate this significance because it involves above all an accounting of their own role.

As in Ceylon, revisionism has led to betrayal, and has prepared the way for defeats. But the struggle against that revisionism can be strengthened now that the lessons are being driven home.

Just as the workers and peasants of Ceylon and Algeria have not yet spoken their last word, so the Fourth International is no longer held back in its development by the revisionists.

On the contrary, they are being rapidly dissolved and defeated.. This is a necessary part of the revived international struggle of the working class.

Permanent Revolution and Results and Prospects 254 pages, 15/- soft cover, 25/- hard cover

Industrial Page July 965

miles away from home, and such a guarantee cannot be too secure when Beeching's closure plan is causing a shortage of jobs in the industry.

For Brown to talk in terms of wasting money already spent is ludicrous when one considers the millions spent on nationalizing both road and rail transport in 1947—after which the Tories systematically handed over the more lucrative sections back to private enterprise —and the other millions paid out to previous railway owners in compensation, in many cases for rolling stock which could not be used anyway.

At a recent meeting of the north-east and north-west London district council of the National Union of Railwaymen, an executive committee member said that the scheme, as envisaged by the road hauliers (and probably the Labour government), was that the railways become a 'subcontractor' to them.

Road hauliers, he reported, had increased their long haul contracts by 66f per cent between 1958 and 1962, and were now carrying eight and a half million tons of freight a year on these long hauls.

RESEARCH

Dr. Beeching had carried out market research which estimated that the road hauliers would be prepared to place about three and a half million tons with the railways.

They would then be able, as they had done with the present Condor system of 10ton express freight containers, to relieve themselves of some of the staggering increase in their volume of traffic.

Then, with a new fleet of small lorries and vans, they could-if allowed into the liner-train terminals — aim a devastating blow at railways collection and delivery services, and at what remained of the nationalized road services.

Expressing the view of railwaymen all over the country, the district committee passed a resolution expressing concern at the attitude of the Board on liner trains, welcoming their introduction, but urging the union executive not to depart from the principle on 'free terminals' and on brake vans.

In the event of the Board using liner-trains despite opposition, they would be declared 'black'.

A union delegation is again meeting the Board on Friday, just three days before the National Union of Railwaymen's annual delegate conference at Southport.

The demands of the rank and file must be taken into the meeting and into the conference, to defend the nationalized industry and conditions and livelihood of all those employed in it.

ON RECORD

the Board against this increase.

Yet a Road Haulage Association spokesman, according to the 'Daily Mail' of the same day, said: I think you can take it that the 5 per cent recommendation still stands: What has been lost sight of is that a 5 per cent recommendation does not necessarily mean that 5 per cent all round will be implemented. We are saying to all our members have another think about it. It all depends on the economic situation of individual firms' In other words, George Brown has done nothing more than associate himself with a deliberate act of confusing Labour Party members and trade unionists. The Road Haulage Association will carry on as before. They own the property and they are, so far as capitalist Britain is concerned, the real power in haulage.

George Brown, a so-called Labour leader, is doing nothing but confuse his own members.

The Labour Party in 1954 pledged that road haulage What is your attitude George Brown?

should be re-nationalized. Why does not Brown accept this policy?

Never mind what the road haulage employers think. The point is that a 5 per cent increase is the usual capitalist method of attacking the working class.

We ask George Brown a simple question-that in view of the opposition of the road hauliers, what is your attitude to the re-nationalization of road haulage?

For our part we believe that the proposed price increases should be halted by George Brown and that the Labour government should immediately re-nationalize the whole of road haulage. By Our Glasgow Correspondent RiGHt-enG tabour councile rushed through a deckon last week to increase the rents of 130,000 council flats and houses in Glasgow.

The rents are to go up to value on November 28 this year and a further increase will take place next year.

The housing committee's announcement that average rents will be increased from 12s. 2d. to 20s. 2d. a week is misleading to arrive at this average, old tenement apartments, flats for old aged couples and single persons are included.

But a three-apartment flat at Inver Road, Easterhouse will be increased from fl 8s. 3d. to £l 12s. lld. Easterhouse is on the far outskirts of the city and tenants there are already burdened with high bus fares which were increased only a few weeks ago.

A five-apartment house in the new multi-storey flats will be increased from f2 18s. 2d. to £3 7s. 5d.

To try to sugar the bitter pill of rent increases the corporation have announced that a generous rent rebate scheme will operate. No details of the amounts of rebate to be paid have been published, but levels of income which qualify for a full rent rebate will range from £5 10s. for a single person to £13 10s. for a couple with six children.

CREDITED

Where there are lodgers or married sons or daughters living with a family, f3 will be credited to the family income for each person over 21 who is working.

Some indication of the plight which will face many families can be assessed from the eviction figures for the quarter ended May 28.

These figures continue to rise steadily. Two hundred and sixty-eight families were ¡ejected from corporation houses during the May quarter for arrears of rent, compared with 225 the previous quarter.

Whilst, in theory, old age pensioners are provided for under the rent rebate scheme, in practice the cheese-paring policies of the Labour government only create further hardship, since their meagre income is subjected to the most mean and rigorous investigation by National Assistance Board officials.

BY NEWSLETTER CORRESPONDENT Not one Labour councillor has publicly denounced the increase. There was a split in the Labour group when the increase was first proposed, but this was only on the question of how big an increase and how best to put it over to the council tenants.

DEFICIT

On admission of Councillor Taylor, the Labour group leader, the increases will not solve the housing deficit problem, which now stands at f5 million. Higher rents will bring in an extra £800,000 this year, £2 million next year and slightly more the year after when the full effect of the two increases will be felt. Meanwhile the housing deficit continues to grow at the rate of fl million a year.

Speaking in Glasgow last Saturday to an audience of 3,000 at Green's Playhouse, Harold Wilson made only passing reference to the problem of housing and rents.

Meanwhile 22 per cent of Glasgow tenants remain packed in insanitary and overcrowded conditions.

Delays in house building are continual.

In opposition to rent increases and bad housing the unity of tenants on corporation, schemes and those in older tenements owned by private landlords is essential.

Demands for better housing and protests against high rents must be accompanied by a fight inside the Labour movement and trade unions for the nationalization of the land, building industry, banks and finance companies.

LOW RENTS

This is the only way by which adequate housing at low rents can be provided for all workers and their families.

Led by the Young Socialists, a massive campaign against rent increases and bad housing could take place. Preparations should begin now in YS branches, trade unions, tenants' associations and ward Labour Parties to lobby the Trades Council and City

MILEAGE bonuses have been awarded to goods and passenger train guards to bring them in line with other grades.

Guards were the only section on the railways who had not got some form of bonus scheme, and • they have been pressing for it for a number of years.

Many other sections have been judged on productivity, but drivers, firemen and guards have to be assessed on mileage.

Under the recent award the guards will receive an extra hour's pay, backdated to June 1l for every 15 miles in an 8-hour shift worked in excess of 140 miles, But, one railman told our reporter, mileage bonuses usually amount to mere pennies, and, in many cases, guards are relieved more frequently than drivers, cutting down their chances of earning the bonus.

It is also likely that, as in case of other sections, strings will be tied to this agreement.

In the past there have been suggestions that a guard 'at a loose end' while waiting for a train could help in work on the platform, such as collecting tickets.

'Extra duties' have also been suggested in previous negotiations with the Railways Board. Passenger guards could clean out toilets while a train is stationary, and while in motion, replace broken bulbs, check tickets, etc.

Goods guards could attend to coupling wagons.

Such duties would be part of the plan to speed up all sections of the railways at the expense of working conditions and must be fought vigorously by all railmen.

The conference must go on record opposed to any intervention by private enterprise in the industry, opposed to any speed-up and introduction of automation at the expense of the railmen and opposed to George Brown's incomes commission.

All the attempts of the Railways Board, the Labour government and the Tories and bosses to gear the industry to the needs of capitalism to stabilise the extremely shaky financial position of the country must be thwarted by the railmen, who must organise behind socialist policies and demands of operating the nationalized industries under workers' control.

The railmen must not be left to fight alone. Workers in all transport and nationalized industries must also join in this struggle and put up the demand of the re-nationalization of road haulage without compensation - the private hauliers are making enough profit now, without the threatened 5 per cent increase -and nationalization of the docks and air industries for a really organised and integrated transport system run by workers, for the benefit of workers. GEORGE BROWN's Prices and Incomes Board faces a head-on collision with transport workers in the near future.

At a conference called by the Federation of Municipal Passenger Transport Employers on July 15 local authorities will be asked to maintain the nationally agreed rates of pay.

However, a number of these authorities want to deviate from the rates.

In Coventry, where there is a staff shortage, busmen have been offered pay increases (with strings attached) of 20 per cent, which is way above the 34 percent hopefully set by Brown's commission— drivers will now receive £19 19s. 4d. a week after 12 month's experience. However, there are to be revisions of some of the working arrangements.

From this increase Coventry, the problem for Labour government snowballs further because it could give fresh confidence to busmen in other parts of the country to fight for increases in pay.

It is this possibility that the busmen, angered by having to work long hours with bad working conditions, will demand higher wages, that is bound to alarm George Brown and company.

REACTION

Union officials are reported as saying that they expect a quick reaction. It was stated on Wednesday this week that there have already been applications for more pay.

The conference of the Federation of Municipal Passenger Transport Employers will be asked in a motion to declare its concern over the number of applications which tend to make national rates of pay and conditions virtually non-existent'.

Certainly George be expected to intervene especially if, in view of the Coventry pay rise, municipal busmen begin a determined struggle to win higher wages.

Bus workers should not let themselves become divided by the fact that one section already has been offered a wage rise, but see that all busmen win a pay increase with no strings in a united struggle.

The fact that the Federation conference will be asked to maintain nationally agreed rates gives some indication of the rising panic among not only some municipal employers, but the government as well.

If there are to be any wage increases on a local scale at all, they will probably only he allowed on condition that so-called 'increased efficiency'-in other words, speed-up—is carried out.

Busmen must ensure their union leaders, local and rational, do not sell them into any such situation. Labour Party and organise a mass demonstration of protest before November 28.

• lobby present campaign. While repeating ritual denunciations of U.S. policies, they have, in practice, tried to head off any real opposition to Wilson, While Wilson never makes any move without the prior agreement of the State Department, Brockway, Foot and Silverman hardly • dare utter a sneeze unless Wilson approves the text in advance. Meanwhile, the 'Daily Worker' refrains from the slightest criticism of the noble Lord Brockway.

This chain of command was clearly marked when Wilson announced his "peace mission'. The 'Daily Worker' front page on June 18 had as its lead story a non-commital account of Wilson's gimmick. Underneath came a parliamentary report. (Mr. Wilson's statement in the Commons .. was greeted with cheers...').

The editorial, after explaining that the decision reflected the 'pressure of the people' went on to warn Mr. Wilson of the necessity to change his policy of subservience to the U.S. government if the mission

From Our Midlands Correspondent YLASS feeling over the stand taken by some right-win Labour MPs on steel nationalization is very strong expressed by Bosworth miners.

Although actions taken by these miners Woodrow Wyatt-well known for his views zation-are confused, their stand must have support in the labour movement.

Last week the 10 miners' representatives on the Bosworth constituency Labour Party management committee were advised to resign from the body by the local miners' council.

President of the Bosworth Labour Party, Mr. John Hollick, wrote in his letter of resignation:

I find my views on socialism and steel nationalization are not compatible with those of the Bosworth MP and therefore I can do no other than tender my resignation.

menter of the ai mine. This is also the way the miners council Whilst remaining affiliated to the Bosworth Party, the miners' council had announced intention stopping cheque f150a which goes wards Party's administrative expenses.

This whole question of the attitude of Wyatt and the right wing in the Bosworth area to steel nationalizatior came to a head after a meeting of the divisional executive.

AGAINST

It this meeting Mr. Ho ick was the only person t voTe •against a resolutiol offering support to wvat and thè Labour Party their endeavours to find i suitable solution to stee On Monday this week the Leicestershire miners announced a plan to ensure that Wyatt would be unable to stand as MP in Bosworth.

The money withheld from the Party would be used to revive 10 defunct wards, so hat the miners could buil ip a majority on the manage. ment committee.

However, organisational manoeuvres are not sufficient to challenge the right wing of the Labour Party or the trade union leaders.

Already the national minins officials have expressed doubt: about what they see as a very embarrassing situation.

y From page 1 were to serve a very useful purpose.

But on the following day, the 'Worker' reported, without apparent disapproval, Brockway's welcome for the mission.

In the thirties, the Stalinists could derail workers' movements with their sham calls for 'unity'.: Today, it is more difficult.

An alternative leadership is being organised behind the Socialist Labour League and the Young Socialists. This can develop the profound internationalist aspirations of workers and students, and guide it in a real fight against imperialism and its apologists on the left.

Instead of the calls for 'peace, which can only weaken the struggle of the Vietnam workers, we must demand the recognition of the National Liberation Front as representing the interests of the workers and peasants.

This means a fight not to lange the mind of Wilson, it to throw out the whole of le present Labour leadership.

against their MP, on steel nationalia large amount of Only a struggle for a full socialist programme and a fight around the demand for a full Labour Party conference before the next general election, so the rank and file can vote on policy, will really bring victory over the Woodrow Wyatts of the labour movement.

It is Wilson who has been making overtures to the Liberals in Parliament for support, only endorsing Wyatt's reactionary idea of a. Lib-Lab pact.

Bosworth miners should put themselves in the forefront of the demand for a conference where representatives of the working class decide on what policy the Labour Party must fight the next general election, a conference where Wilson and company are sacked and replaced by people who will take up the fight for socialist policies.

strike OVER 450 workers at the Battersea power station, London, struck on Tuesday atter four men working on a turbine were suspended.

The men, members of the Amalgamated Engineering Union, had refused to work with contract workers.

Under a recent national agreement, the power workers have become 'salary earners'. Also under the agreement, they lost their bonus, and hours have been reduced to a 42hour basic week.

The men claim that this has lowered their salaries in some cases by at least f6, while contract workers are still allowed to work overtime and take home in the region of £25 to £28 a week.

It is claimed that maintenance work at the power station is two years behind schedule.

ATTACK

The tough attitude of the management is an attack on the conditions of the men. Having reduced the earning power of their own workers, they have given an incentive to contract workers who will carry out duties at all hours to maintain their bonus.

The agreement is now used to divide the power workers and the contract men to induce a speed-up.

The unity shown by the 450 from all trades on Tuesday must be extended throughout the station, and the industry, to fight against these methods of the management. • Negotiations on the suspension of the four men began on Wednesday, when all the workers returned to work, but it is on the wider aspect of the disparity between wages of the contract workers and the salaries of the power workers which must become the main fight.

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