Get out of Vietnam! Demonstrate on July 18! Tribune' and Vietnam Hysterical DEFEAT IMPERIALISM IN hypocrisy VIETNAM! trom take

CALL BY SOCIALIST

E VERY socialist must welcome the sucoesses of the national -liberation fighters in South Vietnam. A victory for these heroic workers and peasants over U.S. imperialism and its puppets will be a major blow against the enemies of the labour movement throughout the world.

The Labour leaders conspire with these enemies to help extricate them from their difficulties. Wilson's mission' had this as its object.

His pretended concern about peace' is exposed for what it is by his continued support for every brutal atrocity perpetrated by the imperialists against the Vietnamese people.

Those pretended 'lefts' who talk of the need for a 'negotiated Fenner Brockway Socialists must fight on the question of thi government.

We must fight to John Gollan Socialist Labour League calls on all the demonstration called by the Young Socialists on July 18.

The compromisers who would rob the Vietnam liberation forces of victory must not be allowed to mislead the growing opposition to imperialist action in Asia, and to the imperialist puppet, Wilson.

Statement by the Central Committee of the Socialist Labour League Who cares?

ALMOST daily, we hear of expulsions from the Labour Party of rank-and-file members, who, it is alleged, have done something or other to discredit the Party. But George Brown, Minister for Economic Affairs, is an honourable exception.

He just says and does what he likes. i After attacking the Tories, he rushes and apologises to them. These Honourable Gentlemen in the House of Commons know Brown for what he is, a political ally of theirs within the Labour Party.

We are not so much concerned about this, as about the fact that his antics and behaviour are continuously being utilised by. the Tory Party to discredit tens of thousands of ordinary sincere men and women who comprise the membership of the Labour Party and the trade unions Why should they be laughed at because Brown goes around acting the goat. Of course, it would be too much to hope that he will be expelled for discrediting the Labour Party. After all, in the history of this party not a single right-winger has ever been expelled, whereas hundreds of lefttry to peace settlement' and the re-call of the 1954 Geneva Conference, are only covering up Wilson's treachery.

Brockway and his associates try to prevent a real struggle against an de unal adi. annian the government's pro-imperialist line by calling for 'mediation' between the Vietcong and the Americans.

In this they are abetted by the called Communist Party. -After a fortnight's junketing Hanoi, John Gollan, secretary of British Communist Party, welcomes campaign of Brockway and suverman, which refuses to take the side of the Vietnamese revolution.

Despite all their suffering and hardship, the workers and peasants of Vietnam press on towards victory. Their struggle is ours also. for the defeat of the Labour government : Vietnam war. It is a pro-imperialist aken the ability of the British capitalists and their servants in the Labour government and call on our American comrades to do the same, so that the Vietcong will have more victories, so that the American, British and Commonwealth forces in Vietnam and South-East Asia will be defeated.

We welcome every victory by the Vietcong against these forces because that will weaken the capitalist enemy here at home as well as in Asia.

In these struggles, inspired by the fight of the Vietnamese people, we shall build a Marxist party in Britain, as part of the Fourth International, which will break the stranglehold of the Wilsons, Brockways and Gollans on the working-class movement, and smash imperialism once and for all.

The Central Committee of the sections of the movement to support July 3/4, 1965 Saturday, July 10, 1965 wingers have been severely with.

On top of all this, the party chiefs continuously claim that their difference with the Socialist Labour League is that they are a 'democratic party'. We know that this is a downright lie and George Brown goes on proving it. The National Executive Committee will remain silent because in fact they are more sympathetic towards him and the Tory Party than towards the rank and file who fight for socialism.

Speak up Prince! ONE of the misleading legends which is carefully spread around by Tory and Labour Party politicians is that Royalty stands aloot from political opinions.

Prince Philip has now blown that fairy tale sky high. By poking his nose into Rhodesian affairs and coming down, as he must do, on the side of the most reactionary wing of colonial oppressors, he has revealed for all Vietcong examine an arsenal of captured American Government of officers in Algeria ON Monday, July 5, third anniversary of Algerian independence, Colonel Boumedienne broke his silence on the composition of the new government. Since the removal of Ben Bella in the coup of June 19, Boumedienne has repeatedly said that he had no political ambitions, and that some non-military fire would beneme head of state.

„tact Shoumedienne now been pronounced Prime Minister. This military man leads a government composed almost in its entirety of other military men.

As last week's Newsletter pointed out, political control has been taken over by an army trained outside the liberation struggle which expelled the French. A small group of officers, with only one or two individuals from the Ben Bella government, now rules the country.

None of the exiled or previously deposed right-wing leaders have been persuaded, apparently, to act as front men the Boumedienne clique, whose strength at the moment is probably entirely dependent upon the support they receive from world imperialism.

No doubt the political 'personalities' are extremely unsure of the stability of the new regime, and are afraid of direct ırmy rule which will provoke opular revolt, especially in the present conditions of large-scale unemployment and land-hunger.

NO CLARITY Boumedienne's political declaration on the occasion of the independence celebrations did a little to clarify still further the nature of the new regime. Apart from the now standard description of Ben Bella as a personal dictator, Boumedienne's speech stressed the need for work and discipline.

This is ominous, especially when read in conjunction with his reported address to an audience of policemen some days earlier in which he called for action against revolutionists' and adventurers.

These, he said, were largely foreigners who had gathered in Algeria to try out their theories by influencing Ben Bella and other FLN leaders.

At the same time as preparing this attack against the left and the working class, Boumedienne insisted on the preservation of good relations with the French imperialists, and made it clear that he is making agreements with the most reactionary forces in North Africa.

The talk about the THE editorial in last week's Tribune' shows very clearly the real meaning of the kind of politics peddled in that journal.

With an emphasis almost amounting to hysteria it says: •.. the Vietcong, the Chinese, and perhaps even the bombbattered North Vietnamese, draw the wrong conclusion-the conclusion that given time and resolution on their part, the Americans can be driven into the sea and a total victory gained. ... It won't happen."

This principle dominates the thinking of these gentlemen: imperialism is invincible.

The bosses will always be bosses. Talk socialism now and again if you like, but never imagine that anything will come (North African Arab unity) is specifically designed to bring Algeria closer to the reactionary regimes in Tunisia and Morocco.

Politically speaking, Boumedienne hopes to consolidate army control as against control through the leading circles of the National Liberation Front (FLN) government single party, which Ben Bella represented. And so Boumedienne talks about a new assembly in which the party will 'control' government rather than substituting for government.

ARMY RULE

Whatever this seems to mean, it really means the army high command and Boumedienne will govern, using the party as an instrument of control where necessary.

Among the many lessons of the Algerian events for the international working-class movement is the clear light it sheds on the real political role of the Stalinist bureaucracy which leads the Communist Party of China.

In the interests of their immediate diplomatic moves towards the Afro-Asian conference in Algiers, they hastened to give uncritical recognition to the Boumedienne regime.

Their international manoeuvres take place completely abstracted from the building of an International of revolutionary parties, and as in this case, they end up by supporting the counter-revolution.

DEMAGOGY

Demagogic references to Lenin by the leaders of an established workers' state, as in China, are no substitute for the rebuilding of the Fourth International.

Without this there is, in fact, no 'return to Lenin'.

The Algerian events should help the militant workers who have welcomed the Chinese criticisms of the Kremlin Stalinists to see that they must go far beyond those criticisms.

The meaning of the Chinese adulation of Stalin now becomes clear also. Their politics, like his, are pertectly capable of sharp swings to the lett, but ouly within the framework of a bureaucratic abandonment of proletarian internationalism. of it.

That is why, to the applause of the Stalinists, Foot, Silverman and Brockway, and their like, talk about peace' in Vietnam. That is why the possibility of a victory of the Vietcong terrifies them.

That is why they will still attempt to cover over Wilson's betrayal of the labour movement.

For years they acted as a safety valve for rank-and-file discontent with the Labour leaders. Instead of a real analysis of the class position of the right wing, they offered piece-meal criticism, and that only when there was no danger of having to take responsibility for acting on it.

They blunted the edge of every attack on imperialism, substituting bucketfuls of sentiment about the sufferings of the colonial peoples for the slightest support for a real fight to end them.

Anyone who still reads 'Tribune' each week can discern several stages in the evolution of its attitudes to Wilson.

From the 1963 Labour Party Conference until after the election, we underwent the period of prolonged applause.

Each piece of feeble demagogy' from the leader was greeted as a major contribution to socialist thought.

Then, as the election promises fell thick and fast, 'Tribune' was silent on a growing list of topics (DELEGATES to the Trans-)

port and General Workers' Union conference at Portsmouth this week, passed by an overwhelming majority, a resolution ›calling for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Vietnam and for the Labour ( government to dissociate itself from U.S. policy over Vietnam.

The resolution said: "That this conference, recognising the need for the government to do all in its power to promote ›peace in Vietnam, urges the government in its capacity ast co-chairman of the peace con-/ "ference of 1954 to call for the ¡removal of all foreign troops jand to dissociate itself from American policy over Vietnam land to continue to press for immediate peace talks? ' In this issue of The Newsletter we state clearly our position on the role of the Labour government and 'peace talks'. But we are sure that the tremendous feeling over the ) Vietnam issue expressed by the TGWU delegates is indicative' lof the opposition throughout 'the labour movement in Britain and the rest of the world to imperialist aggression in SouthEast Asia.

from pensions to South Africa.

Next came some months of pleas and sighs. If only Harold Wilson would see the error of his ways...• Now, when the role of the government is too obvious to hide, they have to try to head off the opposition by making a few critical noises.

But while Foot may occasionally condemn Johnson's policies (referring as little as possible to those of his friend Wilson), the essential function of each criticism is to cloak an apology.

In fact, the campaign for a 'peaceful settlement' in Vietnam is an essential part of Wilson's efforts on behalf of imperialism.

It follows a regular pattern:

(Cont. page 4, col. 6)